Political Anthropology

The chapter discusses the development of the writing of Brunei history over the last six decades. The review of the historiographic production generally highlights the range of debates, approaches, major themes and issues that scholars have focused upon and how this relates to the important role history plays in modern Brunei. In the 1960s and 1970s, the writing of Brunei history significantly reflected Brunei’s relationship with Britain, with the notable exception of Donald Brown (1970)’s ‘peerless monograph’ that solely focuses on local dimensions and the internal dynamics of the sultanate. In the 1980s, a growing body of studies by local scholars spurred the emergence of national history. Many of the studies were produced by archaeologists, historians and intellectuals affiliated with the Brunei History Centre, the Brunei Museum and Universiti Brunei Darussalam (UBD). The utilisation of traditional manuscripts and oral sources equally contributed to the expansion of an autonomous historiography, as such sources increasingly gained currency and acceptance as a vital form of indigenous history. In surveying the writings on modern Brunei, we identified the ascendancy of Brunei political history that subsequently established a major and firm niche within the broader context of Brunei historiography. Moreover, in the 1980s, there was a new historiographical trend on non-political themes, focusing in particular on previously unexplored socio-economic developments of the country. All these historiographic developments, while offering valuable historical insights into the country’s past, led to some re-examination of earlier works, particularly those that utilised Chinese sources in the reconstruction of early Brunei. The 1962 rebellion was also revisited, as the controversial nature of this topic had significantly limited its inclusion in national history writing from the 1960s to 1980s. The multiplicity of historical themes and approaches gradually emerging from the 1990s and 2000s have been further enhanced by multidisciplinary approaches resulting not only in important publications but also works derived from sophisticated analytical and interpretive knowledge.

The editorial reflects on the crisis of the left, highlighting its failure to represent the poor, historically its core base. It recommends Works by Vitaliano Trevisan, a raw “working autobiography” portraying Italy’s new proletariat, comparable to Trump’s U.S. electorate. Trevisan vividly depicts exploited workers—marked by contradictions, misogyny, and racism—without romanticizing poverty. His brutally honest narrative exposes a violent and contradictory world that must be understood for meaningful societal change.

This article interrogates the social life and afterlife of a Dutch flood control project, or polder, in Semarang, Indonesia. While arguing that there is no such thing as a typical Dutch polder, the article shows how Dutch attempts to claim universal hydraulic knowledge allow partners of a bilateral development project to discuss the sociotechnical contours of an anti-flooding project and legitimise urgent infrastructural intervention. Only upon failing to implement the original polder design and achieve the main project target—involving local residents in bottom-up maintenance and operation—Indonesian and Dutch actors question each other’s expertise and understanding of the problem, blaming both Dutch and Indonesian political culture for failure. Despite remaining unfinished, the polder continues to do important work: people in the Indonesian government claim that it makes coastal neighbourhoods resilient to climate change, while Dutch actors frame it as an initial experiment. The article ends with a discussion of how failed attempts at universalising technology still pave the way for economic exchange. The incomplete polder played a significant role in selling Dutch expertise to flood-plagued cities in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, which suggests an ‘impoldering’ of hydrological knowledge in the age of global flooding.

The paper analyzes the complexity of identities in the Serbian medieval state from the 13th to the middle of 15th century. Examples of Vlachs and Saxons can illustrate the interweaving of different types of identities. The Vlachs, as herders, undoubtedly represented a special social group, but it is uncertain that they lost their ethnic distinctiveness due to slavization. It is certain that in the 15th century they become more closely tied to the land, but even under the Ottomans a large number of people had the status of Vlachs. The Saxons settled in Serbia as miners in the middle of the 13th century and acquired a special legal status. Over time, they disappeared as an ethnic category. However, even in the 15th century, the term “Sas” persisted as a designation of the legal-social identity of certain people in mining towns.

As a city within a federal district, Washington, D.C. defies easy description, partially because “Washington” and “D.C.” are, cognitively, two distinct places. I explore the question of D.C.’s identity within the domineering presence of the federal government through its tangible heritage. After a literature review, I follow with a framework of D.C.’s political geography and the complexities and uncertainties of its identity. Next is a four-part case study of distinct D.C. identity markers, examining its low skyline and resultant cultural landscape, an exploration of the D.C. War Memorial on the National Mall, the D.C. flag and its symbolic importance, and the stone boundary markers that demarcate and define D.C. Despite the dominance of the state in D.C.’s everyday realities, Washingtonians manage to work within this marked federal-local tension. I argue that D.C.’s political geography is the principal factor in defining and understanding it as a place. To cope with their ambiguous status, Washingtonians exhibit and maintain identity markers in the landscape to help establish a heritage and identity for the District that they would otherwise not have. Further, I contend that scholars should devote due attention to the geographical context of federal districts to appreciate these atypical geographies.

Human right is a sensitive issue, the states across the planet are known by defending and violating human rights. This paper aims to demystify Uzbekistan's policy towards human and religious rights and through light on intense waves of Human Rights violation in Uzbekistan since the dawn of independence. Since independence, Uzbekistan used coercive measure to control politico-religious organizations and their activities, and as a result became hotbed of human rights violation. Human rights got arrested both by State authorities as well as extremists. After surveillance, it has been found that, the state authorities are violating the international standards of Religious freedom and Human rights and are interested to control the religious activities of the descent. In theory, the state offered religious freedom and ensures rights of every person to freedom of conscience and religion, equality of rights of citizens irrespective of their attitude toward religion but in practice, huma...

The resurgence of militarism through ReArmEurope and Readiness 2030 promotes a war against the people, against the working class, which includes all individuals, whether employed, informal, domestic, paid or unpaid, involved in economic production or social reproduction. Ultimately, it is a war against humanity and the planet-a War on Earth. The article articulates a critique and puts alternatives up for discussion. The sections of the article are: Introduction; The pressure to agree; Remake the past and be ready for the future?; The larger picture of the crisis; The financialization of rearmament; Rearming requires wars; The alternative: rebirth without militarism.

While there is a tendency to use the word imaginary loosely in the broader social sciences, often referring to the unrealistic and irrational realms of life, its value as a political currency is palpable. This paper offers takhayyul (tahayyul/تخيل) as a heuristic concept to study imaginative elements in populist Islamist movements. Takhayyul refers to the terrestrial imagination that is realistic and worldly yet also prophetic. It informs doxastic thinking and political action and offers a particular relationship with reality and the ability to comprehend and expand possibilities. This paper explores how this non-Eurocentric theory evolved in the geography that it studies, the Balkans-to-Bengal Complex. In order to develop a theory that can encapsulate the nuances embedded in the intangible aspects of political formations including the imaginaries, cosmological references, and emotive attachments, this paper argues that it is essential to centralize theories that emerge from the very geographies we are ethnographically and historically focusing on.

Esta investigación plantea un estudio comparativo sobre el reparto liberal en las comunidades de Santa María de los Altos (hoy Santa María de Guido), San Miguel del Monte y Jesús del Monte, pertenecientes al distrito de Morelia du- rante la segunda mitad del siglo xix. Estas comunidades se constituyeron históricamente en poblaciones ligadas al crecimiento de la ciudad de Valladolid- Morelia, por lo que el interés de los investigadores se ha centrado principalmen- te en el estudio de dos periodos clave: el siglo xviii, donde aparecen como pueblos de indios de Valladolid, que abastecieron de insumos y fuerza de traba- jo a la ciudad (Paredes, 2010); y la segunda mitad del siglo xx cuando, en su ca- lidad de tenencias de Morelia, enfrentaron el inicio de un amplio proceso de urbanización de sus áreas ejidales que continúa hasta nuestros días, con efec- tos socioambientales considerables (Sánchez y Urquijo, 2016).

Resumen: A fines del siglo XIX, la explotación de los gomales ubicados en la región amazónica boliviana, al norte del país, suscitó profundos cambios en otros departamentos y, entre otras cuestiones, en el mercado laboral. Los departamentos de Beni y de Santa Cruz se constituyeron entonces en reservorios de mano de obra y el flujo migratorio hacia las regiones gomeras del norte fue creciendo proporcionalmente a las necesidades de los empresarios gomeros. Sin embargo, las regiones de origen, y específicamente Santa Cruz, reaccionaron en contra de este "vaciamiento", desarrollando estrategias para controlar las migraciones o, eventualmente, frenarlas. Este proceso fue acompañado por el despliegue de varias normas novedosas en el ámbito laboral, producto de un debate parlamentario en torno al tema de las migraciones.

Tracing the evolution of literary modernity across national borders, this Reader brings together texts from three different spheres of Persian Studies. “Literary Modernity in the Persophone Realm” explores theoretical literary discussions as they unfolded in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia from the early 20th century to the Second World War. The compilation presents contextualized primary sources by writers, poets and critics of the time, including both famous figures and lesser-known authors. It captures the spirit of the debate and contours the fluid interrelations within the literary field across time and space. In combination, the texts elucidate the different paths the three Persophone regions took into literary modernity, and the ways in which their projects either converged or diverged. The collection anthologizes these writings in English translation, adding historical context, biographical notes, scholarly commentary and bibliographical lists of primary and secondary sources. The Reader offers detailed insights into the modern literary setting in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia in the first half of the 20th century and presents primary sources from all three settings, including hitherto unpublished material. It serves as a useful reference for specialists in the field of literary modernity but also enables interested readers, including those without Persian language skills, to engage with programmatic texts on Persophone literature and literary history.

According to CORDE (apud Sáez & Sancho, 2016: 6), the first documentation of the label of Spanish as the «language of Cervantes» occurred in 1836, by Mariano José de Larra. But until then, and even at that time, Cervantes struggled as a preeminent figure in the Hispanic literary canon along with others such as Gracián, Quevedo or Lope de Vega (Bloom, 1995 regarding the concept of canon and its fixation in the West and Spain in particular). In this work we propose to answer the question of whether the Spanish language was on the verge of being considered and called the «language of Lope», having chosen other Western languages close to other playwrights of the seventeenth century as an epitome (English as «the language of Shakespeare», or French as «the language of Molière»), while the German opted for the polygraph (although fundamentally a poet) Goethe (German as the language of Goethe, hence the Goethe Institut, just like by Cervantes is called the Cervantes Institute). To this end, we will point out and historiographically analyze the outstanding presence of Lope de Vega, which is close to that of Cervantes, in a corpus of grammars published in the Germanic field between 1778 and 1839, with which we complement the work of Zamorano Aguilar (2016) on the relationship between Lope de Vega and the history of Spanish grammar, also following the conceptual trail of the same Zamorano Aguilar ( , 2010Aguilar ( , 2016Aguilar ( , 2017aAguilar ( , 2017b) that was already adopted and adapted in Sáez Rivera (2023a) for the canonical study of Nebrija.

China is experiencing climate whiplash: extreme fluctuations between drought and flooding that threaten the health and autonomy of millions of people. Set against mounting anxiety over the future of global water supplies, Andrea E. Pia’s Cutting the Mass Line: Water, Politics, and Climate in Southwest China (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2024) investigates the enduring political, technical, and ethical project of making water available to human communities and ecosystems in a time of drought, infrastructural disrepair, and environmental breakdown. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, archival materials, and statistical data, Pia brings readers into the inner workings of China’s complex water supply ecosystem and demonstrates how citizens’ efforts to keep access to local water sources and flourish in their communities redraw the political possibilities of climate and environmental collective action in unforeseen directions.

This essay reconstructs the German philosopher and cultural sociologist Helmuth Plessner's reading of Germany's fall into the catastrophe of National Socialism. The conceptual foundations for his reading were developed in The Limits of Community (1924). There he argued that post-WWI political extremism was characterized by the anti-modernist concept of "community." In The Belated Nation (1935/59), he went on to identify the Lutheran Reformation as the determining turning point in German history. The Lutheran type of consciousness stands at the origin of a self-destructive hermeneutics of suspicion that finally resulted in völkisch thinking. Second, unlike the formation of a democratic spirit in the Calvinist middle classes in Holland and England, in Prussia the Lutheran alliance of throne and altar led to the exclusion of the middle classes from politics, relegating them to the liberal professions of science and art. Finally, I argue that Plessner's own theoretical model of a political anthropology was developed in opposition to the German intellectual classes' failure to prevent or oppose Hitler's rise to power, including his plea for Germany to align with Western European nations shaped by the Calvinist version of the Reformation.

En 2015, 300 lideres Wampis, pertenecientes al grupo lingüístico Aent Chicham y viviendo al noroeste de la Amazonia peruana, proclamaron la creación del Gobierno Territorial Autónomo de la Nación Wampis (GTANW) para reivindicar su derecho internacional a la autodeterminación como pueblo indígena y proteger su territorio de las industrias extractivas. A partir del análisis del fenómeno de las ausencias de los representantes elegidos de cada aldea wampis en el parlamento del GTANW, donde se decide la política de la Nación Wampis, este articulo propone entender como la representación política estatal que inspiró la estructura de este gobierno amazónico ha sido reapropiada y transformada por los valores y prácticas locales de asamblea y de toma de decisiones colectivas. Estas innovaciones políticas son un ejemplo de cómo se puede conceptualizar una unidad política y un gobierno en las tierras bajas, región donde los grupos son más conocidos en la literatura etnográfica por sus dinámicas perpetúales de fragmentación social y por ser "contra el estado".

In 2015, 300 Wampis leaders, belonging to the Aent Chicham linguistic group and living in the northwestern Peruvian Amazon, proclaimed the creation of the Territorial Autonomous Government of the Wampis Nation (GTANW) to claim their international right to self-determination as an indigenous people and to protect their territory from extractive industries. By analysing the phenomenon of the absences of elected representatives from each Wampis village in the GTANW parliament, where the policies of the Wampis Nation are decided, this article proposes to understand how the state political representation that inspired the structure of this Amazonian government has been re-appropriated and transformed by local values and practices of assembly and collective decision-making. These political innovations are an example of how political unity and governance can be conceptualised in the lowlands, a region where groups are best known in the ethnographic literature for their perpetual dynamics of social fragmentation and for being “against the state”.

El artículo propone una relectura de Poder y naturaleza humana de Helmuth Plessner, de 1931, como una teoría de la sociedad posfundacional avant la lettre, en una línea similar a los posteriores trabajos de Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe; o, también, relee este ensayo como una “ontología” de lo político. Después de introducir algunos comentarios sobre el debate histórico en el que Plessner quiso intervenir (1), se pasará a reconstruir su teoría de lo político desde tres categorías: “insondabilidad”, el afuera constitutivo y la vulnerabilidad del cuerpo humano (2). En un tercer y último paso, se discutirá y reactualizará la categoría de lo político más central y problemática de Plessner: la “existencia popular”. No en vano, el “pueblo” es visibilizado como una noción central para las teorías posfundacionales de la democracia moderna, ya que, más allá del “individuo”, se trata de uno de los fundamentos imaginarios, uno de los afueras fundantes de un colectivo democráti...

The intersection of biopolitics and microbiology takes on an even more radical form when considering the concept of pathogenic biolinguistics. Xenobacillus glossophagii, theorized to encode linguistic structures within host organisms, disrupts the binary separation between biological and semiotic systems. By interfering with linguistic cognition rather than physiological substrates, this bacterium subverts Foucauldian frameworks of biopower, necessitating an extension of biopolitical analysis to account for nonhuman semiotic agency. Foucault’s conceptualization of power as a regulatory force over populations finds an unexpected challenge in Xenobacillus glossophagii, a microbial entity that not only evades biopolitical control but actively corrupts the mechanisms of meaning itself. If governance relies on the legibility of subjects, then a pathogen capable of destabilizing cognitive structures represents an epistemological crisis. This shift compels a reconsideration of how power operates—not merely as a hierarchical force exerted upon passive biological subjects but as a contested domain of microbial agency and linguistic parasitism. Xenobacillus glossophagii exemplifies the entanglement of biological and discursive governance, illustrating the evolving dynamics of contemporary biopolitics. As microbial life continues to shape human health, cognition, and governance, the Foucauldian notion of biopower must adapt to accommodate these emerging bio-semiotic complexities. This case urges a reconceptualization of biopolitics, moving beyond its traditional focus on human populations to include the unpredictable and resistant forces of microbial existence.

Des réflexions concernant la littérature en rapport avec l’anthropologie ont déjà été proposées. Néanmoins, le développement des sciences et des techniques a introduit de nouvelles relations interhumaines, de nouveaux rapports de l’homme aux vivants non-humains et aux entités partiellement appréhendées en référence au vivant (IA). Ce nouveau régime en prise avec un monde impacté par la technoscience n’est pas dépourvu d’enjeux politiques et éthiques ; il invite à penser à une nouvelle théorie critique qui n’est plus corrélée à une idéologie politique, mais à une idéologie déterminée par la suprématie de la technoscience avec des répercussions sur les problèmes climatiques. Il incite aussi à réfléchir à une nouvelle science : l’anthropologie prospective et ses méthodes appropriées par une littérature contemporaine dite, également, de prospective. Cette catégorie de la littérature, de plus en plus importante, ne se rapporte plus au savoir imaginé par un peuple/civilisation en rapport avec son passé, mais en rapport avec notre présent ou un futur qui se situe juste dans le prolongement de notre présent. Cet article se concentre sur une circulation de méthodes d’investigation critique, des pratiques (enquêtes et documentations), des idées de l’anthropologie prospective (également politique) vers la littérature (corpus relevant de la littérature contemporaine) et vice-versa dans le contexte de nouvelles règles de vie.

In the face of the dominating tradition of British structural functionalism, anthropological studies of political leadership represented an important move towards accounting for the dynamics of centralized, as well as acephalous, polities (for example, Barth 1959 and Baily 1970; cf. Schapera 1956). Moreover, in focusing upon political actors and, by extension, political relations, these studies necessarily took account of the role of the subjects. Yet, despite Gluckman's innovative notion of “rituals of rebellion” (1954; cf. Beidelman 1966), the issue of political leadership has rarely focused upon the political dynamics of the ruler-subject relationship, examining the concerns and responses of those who more or less voluntarily subject themselves to an authority figure. Even such an important contribution as Succession to High Office (Goody 1966) completely ignores this issue.

Depuis quelques années, le Niger est confronté à la menace du terrorisme à ses frontières avec le Burkina
Faso et le Mali, où sont actifs des combattants terroristes affiliés au Groupe de Soutien à l’Islam et aux
Musulmans et à l’Etat Islamique au Grand Sahara. Dans cette région, le terrorisme s’ajoute aux conflits
intercommunautaires et à la criminalité transnationale organisée pour constituer un ensemble de
conflictualités dont les impacts sécuritaires intéressent la recherche. L’objectif étant de proposer une analyse
des facteurs sociologiques de la région d’étude en vue de comprendre les raisons de sa permissivité aux
actions criminelles et terroristes. En s’appuyant sur les données collectées par la méthode documentaire et
l’entretien, certains aspects de la géographie sociale font ressortir les différentes vulnérabilités sociales. Les
données étudiées, à travers l’analyse de contenu et l’analyse statistique, ont permis de ressortir les
vulnérabilités environnementales, sociétales, économiques et politiques qui sont exploitées par les groupes
criminels et terroristes au détriment desdites populations.

Przedstawiamy wyniki badań nad samoidentyfikacjami uczestników i uczestniczek rolniczycch marszy i blokad z końca 2023 roku¹. Rekonstruujemy tożsamości zbiorowe polskich rolników uczestniczących w protestach. W badaniu posłużyliśmy się techniką wywiadu narracyjnego (Schütze 2012). W analizie skupiamy się przede wszystkim na tym, w jaki sposób postrzegają samych siebie badani rolnicy i rolniczki, uwzględniając rolę kontekstów: ekonomicznego, politycznego oraz społecznego. Próbujemy odpowiedzieć na pytania, czy i jakie procesy oraz wydarzenia ma-ją kluczowe znaczenie dla motywów ich działania. Zwracamy przy tym też uwagę na znaczenie kryzysów (Covid-19, wojna w Ukrainie) (zob.Carey, Murphy, Alexandra 2021; Bilali, Hassen 2024) i ich wpływ na strategie działania protestów rolniczych oraz argumentację badanych.

This article explores the peculiar reading habits that permeate White power fiction, with a focus on the repeated invocation of William Shakespeare and other Western literary giants by a group of writers here theorized as “literary populists.” Literary populists not only reject “elite” interpretations and reclaim the canon “for the masses.” They also marshal canonistic texts as masses, while enrolling them in autocratic schemes. In the process, they promote a strongman's reading praxis that limits the interpretive terrain in ways that echo archetypical fascist movements. Following a broad review of fascist literary practice, the article examines this phenomenon as it structures five works of speculative fiction by American ecofascist Harold Covington, showing how venerated books work as loudspeakers in his texts, where White self-realization takes the form of literary mastery. It then moves beyond the texts to a reading of his online library as a mediating force that combines classic works of literature, philosophy, and political theory with the verboten work of radicals like Covington, in an attempt to authorize the latter. Through this analysis, the article shows how extremist visions of the world-to-come gain ground as part of a storied intellectual tradition, whose texts are plotted as proof of an impending revolution and whose status as banned knowledge is essential to its potency. At a time when fascism often looks like banning books, this work suggests that reading is fundamental to fomenting fascist visions of a world worth fighting for, and for seizing the minds of organic intellectuals who might just bring those futures into being.

This article examines the various ways in which "locality" is articulated, represented and practiced in the Okinawan anti-base movement by reflecting upon the recent political development of Okinawa's base problems. Like its antonym, globality, locality is an elusive term, defined by many people in different ways, depending on their respective contexts and positions. However, locality is not only a context-dependent term but also an important determinant to contextualize and narrativize nature, culture and humans. Therefore, the meaning of the term is not free from the political process of exclusion and inclusion by marking "inside" and "outside" of the boundaries. While the exclusive nature of identity politics has been criticized at least for the last several decades, we witness its resurgence in many parts of the globe from both ends of the political spectrum. In it locality is articulated to give a legitimate voice for those who are socially marginalized. Japan's Southern-most island prefecture, Okinawa, is no exception. While examining the recent surge of politics over local identity, I seek to raise the limits and possibilities of locality in enacting political identity. I argue that the shift of our focus from identity politics to the identity-making process enables us to understand that the so-called Okinawa identity is not self-evident but created and developed by various manifestations of locality.

The 28 April mass protest in Malaysia for clean and fair elections has taken a somewhat violent turn, the cause for which has become a matter of mutual recrimination between its organisers and the authorities. Realpolitik will eventually decide the outcome.

On the upper reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates, archaeologists encounter evidence that challenges conventional understandings of early state formation as a transition from 'small-scale, egalitarian' to 'large-scale, stratified' societies. One such location is the Early Bronze Age cemetery of Başur Höyük, which presents evidence of grand funerary rituals-including 'retainer burials' and spectacular deposits of metallic wealth-in an otherwise small-scale, egalitarian setting. A further, puzzling feature of this cemetery is the preponderance of teenagers in the richest tombs. Here we describe the combined results of archaeological and anthropological analysis at Başur Höyük, including ancient DNA, and consider the challenges they pose to traditional accounts of early state formation.

L'ethnographie présentée est le résultat d'une participation observante de 6 mois en tant qu'employé dans un magasin franchisé d'Anthophila à Bruxelles. Cette entreprise est une multinationale de restauration rapide spécialisée dans la production et la livraison de pizzas. Il est question dans ce mémoire, de s'interroger sur les manières dont les corps sont mobilisés, et comment l'humain est placé et se place lui-même au second plan dans ces rapports de production ; dans un contexte de surexploitation et de cadence ultra-productiviste du travail. J'essayerai à travers ces lignes, de vous faire rentrer dans le quotidien des travailleurs de la structure, et de vous plonger dans l'expérience vécue de ceux-ci. Nous aurons l'occasion d'aller en profondeur dans les différents dynamiques propres à la production, mais aussi à la livraison, à la pression à la rapidité, aux conditions de travail et salariales, à la relation de service ; toutes envisagées dans leur rapport au corps et à l'humain. Finalement, ce mémoire mènera je l'espère, à réfléchir aux conséquences du capitalisme sur les travailleurs, à la manière dont la recherche accrue de profit peut leur nuire, et possiblement à en envisager des pistes de réduction ou de sortie.

A Comprehensive Historical Study on Nepal's Sen Dynasty.
The History of the Sen Dynasty of Nepal by Dr. Nawa Raj Subba is a meticulously researched historical account that delves into the lasting impact of the Sen kings on the history of mediaeval Nepal. It traces the dynasty's roots, political development, administration, military organisation, economic significance, and cultural contributions to give a comprehensive view of their imprint on Nepalese civilisation.
Historiography reconstructs the arc of the Sen Dynasty, drawing on a range of primary and secondary sources—historical documents, inscriptions, folklore, and scholarly evaluation. Dr. Subba explores the administrative institutions constructed by the Sen rulers and their military conquests, as well as the shifts in socioeconomic structure that took place during their reigns. The book also fills major gaps in our understanding of the way in which the Sen monarchs engaged diplomatically and militarily with their neighbours and embeds the dynasty in a wider South Asian geopolitical mirroring context.
The History of the Sen Dynasty of Nepal not only deals with political and military issues but also looks at the cultural and intellectual achievements of the dynasty. The Sen emperors were significant patrons of literature, the arts, and religious traditions that have shaped Nepalese society. Their influence, said to have transcended politics, started a cultural revolution that influenced Nepal.
This descriptive, accessible book will be valuable for historians, researchers, students, and the general reader interested in the mediaeval history of Nepal. Dr. Subba delivers academic rigour without being obtuse, which means it can work as both an academic research tool and a personal discovery device. The History of the Sen Dynasty of Nepal is one of the important contributions to Nepalese historiography; it gives a critical and well-contextualised work to realise and analytically preserve the legacy of the kings of Sen to posterity.

This article is the final part of our systematic review of the substantive findings of fifth-generation revolution studies, building on the examination of the emergence and characteristics of this generation contained in the first article in the series. Our systematic review is divided into two parts. In this second and final part, the following areas of research explored by fifth-generation scholars will be specifically considered: (1) impact of repression on the course of revolutions; (2) causes and factors that contribute to the success of revolutions; and (3) the outcomes of revolutionary uprisings. This article also presents the authors’ vision of the tasks ahead for the
fifth generation of revolution studies.

What underscores the appeal of Duterte’s rhetoric? What is Duterte’s form of argumentation, and what are its functions and limitations? How can Duterte’s rhetorical performance inform political campaign discourse in the future? This paper aims to answer these questions through a rhetorical analysis of President Rodrigo Duterte’s performance in the televised presidential town hall debate of April 2016, co-hosted by television giant ABS-CBN. There is a need to study Duterte’s rhetoric in the debate to show which among his promises were fulfilled and abandoned. Strategic maneuvering, a framework developed to analyze presidential debates, highlights Duterte’s promises in the debate with its focus on lines of argument (logos). However, this paper posits that Duterte’s rhetoric is not primarily based on logos, and there is a need to spotlight his use of ethos and pathos (appeals to credibility and emotions). I argue that Duterte capitalized on embodied storytelling—a humanizing rhetoric t...

Most of the tribal communities all over India encountered some form of colonial expansion in their regions. They resisted such colonial intrusions. Arunachal Pradesh is a tribal state inhabited by different tribal communities. In spite of being located in the remote northeastern part of India, the people of Arunachal Pradesh have taken an active part in the anti-colonial resistance movements. In this context, the Adi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh fought many wars against the British to defend their territory from the invading colonial state. In light of the recent efforts to study and document the history of tribal resistance movements as an integral part of India's freedom struggle, this article studies the resistance war fought by the Adis against the British during 1911-1912. It examines various aspects of the war focusing on the cause and course, leadership and organisation, war technology, tactics and symbols employed by the Adis.

This contribution aims to summarize the development of immigration in Italy over the past 20 years. The analysis shows a gap between political propaganda and the public policies implemented. This leads to the paradox that the presence of foreign nationals has increased during periods governed by center-right governments despite their hostility to immigration.

2Cette franco-colombienne est connue en France pour ses campagnes politiques contre la corruption des gouvernements colombiens, qu'elle raconte dans son premier ouvrage, La rage au cœur, édité par XO éditions (février 2001). Elle y construit son image de femme politique ...

Bu çalışma 1960-1980 yılları arasında gelişen siyasal olayları Doğu Karadeniz Bölgesi’ndeki fındık üreticileri özelinde incelemektedir. Bölgede fındık üretiminin gelişmesiyle değişen ekonomik dengeler üreticiler için piyasa ekonomisi içerisinde ekonomik ve sosyal dönüşüme uğramalarını beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu noktada gelişen talep ve arzular dönemin siyasal dinamikleri içerisinde eklemlenerek siyasal bir mücadele sürecini başlatmıştır. Bu çalışmada da bu süreci Antonio Gramsci, E. P. Thomson ve Charles Tilly’den ödünç alınan kavramlar kümesi yardımıyla incelenmeye çalışılacaktır.
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This study examines the political events that occurred between 1960 and 1980, focusing on hazelnut producers in the Eastern Black Sea Region. The development of hazelnut production in the region altered economic balances, leading producers to undergo economic and social transformations within the framework of the market economy. At this point, emerging demands and aspirations were integrated into the political dynamics of the period, initiating a process of political struggle.In this study, we aim to analyze this process using a conceptual framework borrowed from Antonio Gramsci, E. P. Thompson, and Charles Tilly.

Cet article presente une analyse critique de la mise en oeuvre de l'ideal panafricaniste apres la decolonisation par les institutions creees a cette fin par les etats africains, notamment l'Organisation de l'unite africaine (OUA) et l'Union africaine (UA). Comme ideologie d'independance et de developpement, le panafricanisme avait comme projet de societe une Afrique independante et prospere dans le cadre des etats jouissant d'une autodetermination integrale au niveau politique, ainsi que des economies emergentes basees sur l'enorme richesse naturelle du continent et la solidarite panafricaine. L'unique grande realisation de cette vision est sans aucun doute la reussite de l'OUA dans l'elimination complete du colonialisme europeen et du pouvoir raciste des minorites blanches en Afrique. Quant a l'integration economique et politique ainsi que le bien-etre de la population, les etats et les organisations panafricaines sont loin de rencontrer ...

Tongkonan is the life of the Toraja people because that's where all their values ​​and aesthetics are. In it there are not only functions as residential houses but there are social functions and power, traditional and cultural values, and religious values. But the passage of time and the development of the modern era as well as the influence of culture from the outside to make a shift and change the function and value of the actual Tongkonan so much to cause conflicts in the family and community. Many perspectives from the Toraja generation emerge. This study aims to identify and describe how the perspective of the older generation and young generation of Toraja on the function and value of Tongkonan. Researchers chose respondents who live in Toraja by snowball. The researcher uses the semi-structured interview as an instrument to obtain data and a qualitative description method in analyzing data. The results showed that the older generation emphasized the view that Tongkonan is...

This article examines the political significance of a distinct form of face-to-face preaching (dawat) in the transnational Islamic piety movement, the Tablighi Jamaat, against the backdrop of Pakistani nationalism. Pakistani nationalism is structured around a genealogical hierarchy that presumes that high-caste (ashraf) Muslims are purer Muslims and that it is their task to uplift low-caste (ajlaf) Muslims through the reform of their customary practices. By reenacting the Prophet's example, dawat creates a "direct" relationship to God and obviates the genealogical hierarchies that structure Pakistani political life. It is this promise of sovereign transcendence that explains the millions of Pakistani Muslims that flock through the gates of the Tablighi Jamaat.