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2012
The 28 April mass protest in Malaysia for clean and fair elections has taken a somewhat violent turn, the cause for which has become a matter of mutual recrimination between its organisers and the authorities. Realpolitik will eventually decide the outcome.
2016
More than 50,000 people took part in the Bersih 5 demonstration in Kuala Lumpur on 19 November 2016 calling for fair and clean elections. This was despite threats of violence by an opposing group, the arrest of some of the Bersih movement’s key leaders and the blocking of road access by the police. More significantly, the demonstration showed visibly increased participation by Malays, many of whom were youths. Some of these may have been mobilized or inspired by the Tangkap MO1 (Arrest Malaysian Official 1) rally held in August, organized by university students. Others may have been left-leaning Malay activists. Factors crucial to the general elections include, the support of Malay youth, for which social media may be an important battleground; the support of rural Malays, where counteracting UMNO’s rural patronage and money politics will be a major challenge for the opposition, and; the presence of strong and efficient Malay leadership among the opposition parties in all the st...
2014
Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.
New Mandala, 2013
Southeast Asian Affairs, 2019
This chapter reviews one of the most dramatic years in Malaysia’s history. The country saw Mahathir Mohamed, at the grand old age of ninety-three, spearhead the electoral destruction of the political coalition he once helmed for over two decades. This upset was only made possible in turn by Mahathir’s reconciliation with his former political nemesis Anwar Ibrahim. The new Mahathir-led administration then spent the rest of the year trying to reconcile two conflicting priorities. The first involved setting the wheels of Reformasi into motion, and beginning to fulfil the long list of promises made in the run-up to elections. The second required the new government to perform damage control, and reassure conservative voters, investors, and foreign governments that little in Malaysia had fundamentally changed. See https://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg/publication/2385
2013
The parliamentary elections on 5 May 2013 did not fulfil the hopes of the opposition and their supporters for a change of government and new politics in Malaysia. The vehement commitment of civil society, the high turnout and country-wide gains for the opposition all provide clear evidence of the political awakening of the Malaysian people. The National Front has governed without interruption since Malaysia gained independence. For the first time, the National Front feared being voted out and was only narrowly able to ensure electoral victory with considerable losses. The increase of votes for the opposition is an indication that in the future two strong political blocks will compete for power in Malaysia. Malaysia’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious population is divided into those who support the status quo and those who want change. The government faces the challenge of reconciling society and finding a national consensus for Malaysia’s future development.
Kritika & Kontext, 2019
After long 63 years, new coalition is governing Malaysia, after a surprising opposition victory in the 14th General Elections. The paper studies the development of Malaysia from British colony to almost modern developed democratic and just country, as a case study for other diverse post–colonial states. It aims to better understand what social, political and cultural changes took place in this country that contributed to this surprising outcome. Country was divided and ruled by Britain through administrative policies that created a ground for nationalistic and ethno–centric politics. That has impacted the foundation of independent Malaysia and unequal citizenship rights. Both have contributed to the tragic events of May 1969, but great tragedy brought together unlikely coalition to address many underlying problems. It is not story of perfect development within liberal democratic understanding of it, but rather story of slow and in times painful transformation that created a hope for fully fledged democracy and more just society, where all have the same chances to participate.
Asia Maior, 2022
In 2021, Malaysia saw the deepening of a political legitimacy deficit as demands for reforms and political change remained largely unattended. The first half of the year was marked by a state of emergency, declared by the government in the face of a new wave of COVID-19 infections. Amid the persisting health crisis and its adverse socio-economic effects, mounting public frustration found expression in online and offline collective mobilizations. Meanwhile, power struggles within the ruling coali- tion led to a fresh change of government. Then, in December, unprecedented floods ravaged the country’s most industrialized region. In that context, a new wave of public outrage rose against the government’s sluggish response to the disaster. As the country’s economic downturn continued to disproportionally affect the most vulner- able social groups, and the political elites appeared incapable of addressing pressing policy issues, Malaysia witnessed the growth of youth-led activism with an appetite for political change.
ASIANetwork Exchange: A Journal for Asian Studies in the Liberal Arts, 2012
Introduction 1 The "Arab Spring" of 2011 has renewed interest in the study of democratization in the Muslim world. 2 While Muslim societies in the Arab world are attracting much attention, progress toward democracy has also been witnessed in Southeast Asia, another region with Muslim majority societies. Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, experienced its transformation from authoritarianism to democracy in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997. This article examines political dynamics in Malaysia, the second largest Muslim country in Southeast Asia, and assesses the prospects for change in the direction of greater political liberalization. The 12th General Election (henceforth 12 GE) of March 2008 marked an interesting turn in Malaysia's political development. The outcome of this election was extraordinary in many ways. It was the best showing for the political opposition in almost forty years (since the 1969 GE). Although the incumbent Barisan nasional (National Front, hereafter BN) coalition government won 144 of the 222 seats in the Federal Parliament, it only managed to garner 49.8 percent of the popular vote in Peninsular Malaysia, which almost tied the combined votes won by the three main opposition parties. 3 The shift in electoral outcomes for the ruling coalition in the 12 GE was particularly significant when compared to the out
The Malaysian Insider, 2015
It considers the role of PAS, the Islamist opposition party, and the underlying ethnic politics animating popular mobilisation in Malaysia
Strategic Information and Research Development Centre (SIRD), 2018
This book is an anthology of essays recording debates and discourses that took place leading up to the 14th General Election, the historic election that saw a change in power for the first time after more than half a century since Malaysia's Independence. This shift in power that took place on 9 May 2018 opened a new chapter for Malaysians who demand for democratic reform and a transparent trustworthy administration. The voices of the people resounded at the ballot box during this election, demonstrating they are tired of kleptocratic and racial politics practiced by the previous ruling regime. Renewed national aspirations start to emerge and shaping new political organizations are underway for the journey of the people of this country towards a New Malaysia.
Editorial introduction to Kajian Malaysia: Journal of Malaysian Studies (Penang), vol. 32, supplement 2 (2014), special issue on ‘Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Reform, Change and Conservatism’ edited by Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid and Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail, pp. i-xi.
Published in Kajian Malaysia: Journal of Malaysian Studies (Penang), vol. 32, supplement 2 (2014), special issue ‘Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Reform, Change and Conservatism’ edited by Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid and Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail, pp. 1-24. Originally presented by Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid as ‘The Impact of the Mahathir – Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Transition on Civil Society Politics in Malaysia’, Sixth International Malaysian Studies Conference (MSC6), Crowne Plaza Riverside Hotel, Kuching, Sarawak, MALAYSIA, 5-7 August 2008; and by Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail as 'Re-Mahathirisation of 13th Malaysian General Election', IEDRC Seoul Conference, Mercure Ambassador Gangnam, Seoul, SOUTH KOREA, 12-13 April 2014.
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2013
Asia Maior, 2019
The Barisan Nasional (BN) opposition coalition led by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) won four out of five by-election contests in 2019. The relatively short time frame between BN’s by-election wins and its historic electoral defeat in May 2018 convinced UMNO’s leadership that its party recovery strategy was fruitful. This strategy entailed the forging of a political cooperation around the theme of Malay unity with its long-time Islamist rival, the Parti Islam Se Malaysia, and the instrumentalisation of Malay fears over the loss of constitutional birth rights under the new Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition government. A number of ethno-religious controversies at the national level also contributed to a polarised social and political context that exacerbated inter-ethnic distrust and benefitted BN in the by-elections. Both Malays and ethnic minorities perceived the PH’s government’s disjointed responses to these controversies as ineffectual. Malaysians across the ethnic divide also experienced little improvement on their cost of living woes. The PH government’s attempts to boost the economy saw it re-establish large-scale projects with China. Yet the pragmatic realities of Malaysia’s economic interests constrained its new foreign policy approach of positioning itself as a leader in the Muslim world. This was evident in Malaysia’s muted response to China’s treatment of the Uyghurs at the inaugural Kuala Lumpur Summit on Muslim issues. This contrasted with the organised protests by Malay groups at the Chinese embassy in the nation’s capital as the year came to a close. These factors cumulatively contributed to an overall citizenry disillusionment with the PH government.
International Journal of Constitutional Law, 2018
A review of constitutional cases and developments in Malaysia in the year 2017, with regard to their implications for liberal democracy in Malaysia. Cite as: Andrew James Harding, Jaclyn L Neo, Dian A H Shah & Wilson Tay Tze Vern, ‘Malaysia: The state of liberal democracy’ [2018] 16 International Journal of Constitutional Law 625. The review of 2018 and the momentous General Election in that year is presently forthcoming.
In this article I investigate how social media was utilized and appropriated in the electoral reform movement in Malaysia called Bersih. By identifying and analyzing roles of three dominant social platforms in the Bersih movement, namely blogging, Facebook, and Twitter, I reveal that social media is both the site and part of the contestations of power. Social media is integral to the shaping of Bersih movement's imaginaries, practices, and trajectories. As a social and material artifact, every technological platform such as blogging, Facebook, and Twitter has its own socio-political properties that postulate distinctive roles and limitations for its users.
ISEAS Perspective, 2019
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • After its impressive electoral triumph in the 2018 general election, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition suffered three back-to-back by-election defeats at the hand of the Barisan Nasional (BN) in 2019 in Peninsular Malaysia. • Opposition parties UMNO and PAS cooperated and won in the Cameron Highland, Semenyih, and Rantau by-elections. Issues concerning Malay rights, the institution of the Malay rulers, and the role of Islam were central to their campaign. • This paper examines whether PH's recent poor showing in Peninsular Malaysia manifests a decline in support, particularly among the Malays. It argues that although the by-election results are not representative of sentiments across Malaysia, they demonstrate how the opposition can thwart PH's reform efforts by playing up issues concerning Malay identity. • The emerging discourse serves as a reminder to the PH government that while it seeks to reform the economy, settle the country's debt, and reform institutions, it has to deal with the disgruntled Malay ground. Still, PH's pragmatic and ideologically ambiguous coalition may serve its purpose in the long run, especially in a more diverse Malaysia not only divided by race, but by class as well.
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