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2020, Cultural and Social Division in Contemporary Japan: Rethinking Discourses of Inclusion and Exclusion
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315143705…
15 pages
1 file
This article examines the various ways in which "locality" is articulated, represented and practiced in the Okinawan anti-base movement by reflecting upon the recent political development of Okinawa's base problems. Like its antonym, globality, locality is an elusive term, defined by many people in different ways, depending on their respective contexts and positions. However, locality is not only a context-dependent term but also an important determinant to contextualize and narrativize nature, culture and humans. Therefore, the meaning of the term is not free from the political process of exclusion and inclusion by marking "inside" and "outside" of the boundaries. While the exclusive nature of identity politics has been criticized at least for the last several decades, we witness its resurgence in many parts of the globe from both ends of the political spectrum. In it locality is articulated to give a legitimate voice for those who are socially marginalized. Japan's Southern-most island prefecture, Okinawa, is no exception. While examining the recent surge of politics over local identity, I seek to raise the limits and possibilities of locality in enacting political identity. I argue that the shift of our focus from identity politics to the identity-making process enables us to understand that the so-called Okinawa identity is not self-evident but created and developed by various manifestations of locality.
The Translocal Island of Okinawa Anti-Base Activism and Grassroots Regionalism, 2024
The Translocal Island of Okinawa reveals the underrepresented memories, visions and actions that are involved in the making of Okinawan resistance against its subordinated status under the US-Japan security system beyond the narrowly defined political, cultural and geographical borders of locality. As Okinawa's base politics is a problem deeply rooted in the context of East Asia, so is the history of the people's protest movement. The issue examined in this book is the arbitrary distinction of scale between 'local', which tends to be employed for a particular territory demarcated by a cohesive culture, and 'regional', a larger area that consists of myriad localities. Locality, Shinnosuke Takahashi here argues, is neither self-evident, fixed nor homogenous but is established through historical processes that involve interaction, conflict and negotiation of individuals and communities across territorial and cultural boundaries. This book reveals the novel concept of Okinawa as a translocal island which offers a way to understand locality in the context of Okinawan activism as a product of multiple cultural and human flows, as opposed to the conventional way of framing the local community as fixed, internally cohesive and rigidly bordered. It makes an exciting contribution to the field of modern Japanese and East Asian studies by stimulating discussions on the richness and scale of local civic activism that is increasingly becoming a key political feature of the East Asian region.
2001
Demand for equal rights tends to be accompanied by assimilation of ethnic subordinates while the recognition of their separate identity is liable to justify unfair segregation. When an ethnic minority is aware of this dilemma, what identity are they to claim and what ideology do they present? By looking at contemporary local activism in Okinawa, Japan, this dissertation tries to give an empirical answer to this question. Iri Okiriawans' historical experience, both their sameness as and difference from the Japanese turned out to be disadvantageous for the people. Local activists can support neither their Japanese identity nor Okinawan identity. As a result, although they struggled against the central power of the state, their activism can not be fully embraced within the category of multiculturalist movements. The body of this dissertation consists 01 a historical reconstruction of citizens' movements and a sociological analysis of activists' discourse on Okinawa-Japan relations. The ethnography focuses on a particular generation of educated local people, who form the mainstream of local activists in post-reversion Okinawa, and tries to illuminate what impact the reversion movement had on them and how it shaped their thought and actions thereafter. 5111 All WJtS-lHdWcl, OdpCUi, L111O 'aiaCSCl LdLlUll U.J.CO LU glVC Ctll ClllpllUJcll jr to this question. In Okinawans' historical experience, both their 'ethnicity' in their application to their Japanese counterpart 'minzoku'. In regard to these points, useful insights are obtained from Mark Peattie, Marius Jansen and, notably, Oguma Eiji, who founded their discussion on a corroborative examination of Japanese colonial policies. The main thesis of this chapter is that the moral value of each social collectivity purely depends on its historical context of international power relations. Once this situational relativity is exposed, it will be understood that support for 'Okinawan-Okinawa' is no less problematic than support for 'Japanese-Okinawa'. Chapter 3 focuses on a particular historical context, the reversion movement (fukki undo), in which a young generation of local intellectuals attained a notable understanding of social formation. In May 1972 the administrative authority of Okinawa was transferred from the American forces to the Japanese government. Towards this historical moment, various public campaigns and popular agitation developed in Okinawa. Despite consisting of multifarious strands, the reversion movement has simplistically been regarded as liberation from the foreign rule and going back to homeland', that is, as a Japanese irredentist challenge to the American occupation. In fact, the movement produced a group of young local intellectuals who conceived of an idea that contradicted the re-unification with Japan. Nevertheless, they did not intend to achieve a 'distinctive Okinawa' either, but aimed to reject any national identity. The development of this idea can only be explained if the multifarious strands in the reversion movement are presented as they actually were. In its beginning, the reversion movement was embedded in the struggle for Japan's VI
Two decades after the main islands of Japan regained full sovereignty, Okinawa was added as a new prefecture to the Japanese state. Yet, the ecological, economic and social consequences of the persistent U.S. military presence on the islands to this day have a significant impact on the everyday life of Okinawans, and at many points in Okinawa’s post-war history they sparked sweeping citizens’ protests. This paper studies the citizens’ movement ahead of the reversion of 1972. While marginal in terms of resources, the movement spread and prevailed through innovative strategies of contentious action and based on its strong movement identity, which was framed along a joint historical consciousness of the activists. Taking an Okinawan perspective, this paper discusses why a reversion movement emerged in the first place. Furthermore, which images of this new nation “Japan with Okinawa” were created and represented, and why were they appealing to the people? The milestones of the reversion movement will be examined against the backdrop of an – as will be argued – ultimately failed process of nation building that continues to haunt Okinawa-Japan and Japan-US relations to this day. This study draws on a qualitative content analysis of scholarly works on the issue, historic and recent media coverage, as well as writings by contemporary witnesses in autobiographical and literary genres. In addition to Benedict Anderson’s concept of imagined communities Sidney Tarrow’s take on social movement activism and Peter Katzenstein’s model of norm building in politics provide the analytical basis for this paper.
2016
Extant scholarship has primarily tackled the MCAS Futenma base relocation case on Okinawa from specific scientific and economic disciplines, such as International Relations (IR) and Policymaking Studies. This paper, however. provides new research into the relationship between nationalism and localism, offering an original perspective that explains the combined interactive influences affecting the key issues. These include: the constraints and opportunities of the international system, the rhetoric used by political, commercial and societal stakeholders involved in policy direction, and the societal norms that embed shifting national and local interests into the policymaking process. Concretely, it explicates to what extent intersecting key actors disputing the Futenma relocation issue on Okinawa adhere to Japan's national norms of (US_allied) bilateralism, (anti)militarism and developmentalism - and how policy is shaped in accordance with such. The research findings offer a deep...
International Conference on Asian Studies, 2019
EFFORTS TO GENERATE A NEW WAVE OF OKINAWAN RESISTANCE Since World War II the United States' military, political, and economic influence have remained relatively unchallenged in the Indo-Pacific arena. For decade's Japan and the Japanese island prefecture of Okinawa has hosted tens of thousands of U.S. personnel as part of forward deployed deterrent strategy able to respond to an entire continuum of challenges. Despite the ever-emerging threats in both capacity and capability, the Indo-Pacific area has become the new geopolitical fault line in the battle for regional hegemony. Stuck in the shadows is an interactive struggle for identity, power, and relevance. This effort can be observed firsthand on the Japanese island prefecture of Okinawa, were an enduring Okinawan resistance attempts to generate results and invigorate relevance against current Japanese and American pol-military efforts along a fragile and dynamic fault line of both resolve and influence. This exploratory study examines not only the current securitization and spectrum of current Okinawan resistance efforts that attempt to blunt Japanese and American securitization and posturing on the island, but also the cultivation and synchronization of these efforts meant to specifically mature and advance a unique localized 'identity' and 'burden.'
Eras Journal, 2007
Being seen as peripheries of civilisation, the remote islands of Miyako and Yaeyama suffered from political, social and cultural marginalisation in the Ryukyu Kingdom. With the fall of the kingdom and the establishment of the Okinawa prefecture in 1879, these islands, like other regions in the prefecture, were subjected to the policy of assimilation and ‘Japanisation’. Assimilation was promoted in Okinawa in the name of modernisation and the idea of Japanese culture was closely associated with the notion of modernity and civilisation. Pre-war newspapers in Miyako and Yaeyama demonstrate, however, that the advocates of assimilation skilfully exploited the issue of local identities and complex relations between Okinawa and the remote islands. They encouraged local people to combat their inferiority complex by presenting themselves as more ‘modern’ and ‘civilised’ than Okinawans. Japanese culture was appropriated as a device for negotiating one’s status within Okinawan society, and hence assimilation came to concern the matter of ‘becoming Okinawan’.
The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 2009
The presence of some 737 US military outposts around the world imposes great strains, and there is always the possibility of rejection by the inhabitants of adjacent communities. Chalmers Johnson, author of the acclaimed trilogy on US imperial expansion and its costs, highlights the tensions between overseas US bases and the countries where they are deployed, most prominently Okinawa. Nearly one-fifth of the land surface of Okinawa’s small, crowded main island is devoted to 38 bases and facilities for the US military (almost 75% of the US forces stationed in Japan). Johnson depicts Okinawa as a hotspot among other US military outposts, where anti-American opposition might undermine the US alliance network in the Asia-Pacific. He draws particular attention to the US forces’ exemption from the local criminal justice system, as well as from responsibility to overcome the environmental contamination of local sites caused by US military usage.
Japanese Studies, 2019
By focusing on the divergence between mainstream framings of Okinawa, actual policies directed towards the Ryukyu Islands and the sociopolitical reality on these outlying islands, this article reexamines the often misrepresented role of Okinawan agency. In so doing, it focuses on the various narratives of Okinawa and the key terms that have articulated them in the post-reversion era. It thereby adds explanatory power to extant structuralist and critical literatures, which have tended to suffer from monolithic descriptions of structural power and polemic approaches to American and Japanese governance of the Islands. Specifically, by analyzing a series of illustrative issue areas such as sexual and economic exploitation, environmental protection, and military security, the article uses an adapted form of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to trace how framings and policy have shifted since reversion to Japanese rule. This focuses on primarily on Prime Ministerial statements from the National Diet and other, mostly Japanese language-based, materials relating to Okinawa's governance. These are contrasted with short case studies highlighting the disconnect between rhetoric and reality. Ultimately, the evidence points to a decoupling of mainstream narratives from the on-the-ground reality. The article thereby provides a nuanced understanding and expression of Okinawa's complex interests and agency.
The paper examines the cultural and religious identities of the Okinawans, an ethnic minority inhabiting the southern end of the Japanese archipelago. The Okinawans have long been stigmatized as disadvantaged marginals whose distinctive ethnicity nevertheless presents a powerful argument against the myth of the Japanese homegeniety. This paper, however, seeks to shed lights on the multiplicity and the dynamics of cultural and religious identity in Okinawa today.
Nations and Nationalism, 2006
This article proposes that contemporary ethnic subjectivities are shaped by modernist discourses. Ethnographic material about a group of Okinawan fishermen who worked with Solomon Islanders from 1971 to 2000 is used to explore the effect on national identities of being perceived as modern, or primitive. Okinawa is an island group to the south of Japan that became part of the Japanese Empire in the 1870s. Since then Okinawa has been defined as primitive against modern Japan. Modernist discourse was one of the range of influences on relations between Okinawan fishermen and Solomon Islanders. Symbolically violent identifications of Okinawans as more modern than Solomon Islanders stymied efforts at grassroots cosmopolitanism. Insofar as perceptions of relative levels of modernness of ethnic groups act to rank them, modernism is therefore one of the factors at stake in competition between nationalisms and friction between ethnic groups.
2006
This article proposes that contemporary ethnic subjectivities are shaped by modernist discourses. Ethnographic material about a group of Okinawan fishermen who worked with Solomon Islanders from 1971 to 2000 is used to explore the effect on national identities of being perceived as modern, or primitive. Okinawa is an island group to the south of Japan that became part of the Japanese Empire in the 1870s. Since then Okinawa has been defined as primitive against modern Japan. Modernist discourse was one of the range of influences on relations between Okinawan fishermen and Solomon Islanders. Symbolically violent identifications of Okinawans as more modern than Solomon Islanders stymied efforts at grassroots cosmopolitanism. Insofar as perceptions of relative levels of modernness of ethnic groups act to rank them, modernism is therefore one of the factors at stake in competition between nationalisms and friction between ethnic groups.
Minikomi, no. 82, 2012
"The year 1995 became known as a landmark year in contemporary Okinawan history. On September 4 that year, three U.S. military personnel raped an Okinawan schoolgirl, twelve years of age. This crime was one of the events that initiated a newly revived island-wide protest movement of Okinawans against the continuous U.S. military presence in the prefecture, which for many years had gone hand in hand with crime rates above national average (Johnson 1999: 116–119; Vogt 2003: 54). I have previously argued that the September gang rape was the one event it took in a series of developments to once again spark a mass-based protest movement in Okinawa (Vogt 2003:52–57). What makes this movement of the late 1990s so special – compared to, for example, the island-wide protest movement (shimagurumi tōsō) of the 1950s or the reversion movement (fukkikyō) of the late 1960s – is its character as a multi-issue movement. As such it was able to bundle the mobilizing power and resources available not only to the anti-military and peace groups but also the environmental activists, neighborhood associations and in a most central position the Okinawan women. The accessibility of a contentious policy issue to a broad group of allies, and the sustainable and potentially transnational character of activism around this issue are central features of the so-called new social movements (Melucci 1988: 335–338; Vogt 2006: 289–291). Once contention “produces collective action frames and supportive identities” (Tarrow 1998: 23) new social movements may reach a whole new quality of activism. They may be able to successfully push for their policy goals, and beyond that bring about change in the identity formation of its activists. In the piece at hand I will show that the Okinawan women’s groups stood at the center of the newly emerging protest in the late 1990s and served as key actors when it came to call for policy change based on identity formation within the prefecture. This might seem surprising given the general role of women in Japanese social movements, most often confined to far less contentious policy issues such as, most prominently, food safety (LeBlanc 1999). How then did Okinawan women manage to take on center stage in the mass movement of the late 1990s? What were their goals of activism and how successful were they in pursuing them? I argue that Okinawan women in particu-lar succeeded in two forms of activism: First, they managed to produce “a collective reality” among protesters that went beyond immediate women’s issues “by the convergence and integration of the many elements” (Melucci 1988: 338) the anti-base movement was and to this day is composed of. They, secondly, did so by applying recent forms of activism including the transnationalization of their actions, which allowed them to form a broad support basis and to some degree gain independence from the narrow political opportunity structures Japan’s political system grants to non-traditional political actors."
The mainstream study of " national politics " figures out weak and minor nations incline to move either radically or ethnicity-center as repressed by immigrant powers. Nevertheless, sub-national politics in Okinawa, also experienced long-term colonization by metropolitan Japan, delivers alternative path toward progressive movements. By comparative historical research, Okinawa sub-national politics evolves through reproduction mechanisms, eventually leads to the progressive turn to connect with international advocacy community. Since World War II, nationalist rivalry in East Asia continues to make security dilemma entrenched. Under American imperium, conservative perspective of Japanese national politics is consolidated. Okinawa's unanticipated progressive turn of national politics implicates new light for East Asian nations to reconcile by progressive dialogue.
Transnational Japan as History: Empire, Migration and Social Movements, 2016
2015
1. About a year ago, I travelled to Washington DC as an interpreter with an Okinawan delegation that was making a direct appeal against plans by the US and Japanese governments to push ahead with construction of a new US Marine Air Station on the clear blue waters of Henoko. It felt like a quixotic mission as most of the US officials, think tanks, and politicians we met had made up their mind about new base construction at Henoko saying that it was the best plan for the US-Japan security arrangement and for the security of Pacific Asia. What the delegation was trying to get across to deaf ears was that Okinawans have stopped the construction for eighteen years by placing their bodies in front of ships and equipment coming to start construction. I recall vividly how Itokazu Keiko, the female leader of the delegation, looked straight in the eyes of male officials of Departments of Defense and State, saying that the delegation had come to personally appeal to the American sense of demo...
Pacific Review, 2014
This paper joins the debate on Japan's territorial dispute with South Korea over the Dokdo/Takeshima islets. Informed by the ontological security framework of analysis, this paper seeks to explain the decision to adopt the ‘Takeshima Day’ ordinance by the Shimane Prefectural Assembly and the subsequent ascendance of ‘Takeshima’ to the fore of Japan's identity construction vis-à-vis the Korean ‘other’. In this paper, I distinguish between two processes: one that led to the adoption of the ordinance and another that resulted in the entrenchment of ‘Takeshima’ in Japan's identity construction vis-à-vis the Korean ‘other’. The paper argues that the former process should be understood within the context of Shimane Prefecture's distinct identity construction vis-à-vis Tokyo, while the latter can be attributed to recent changes in Japan–Korea relations unrelated to the territorial dispute per se. http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/hX9YC27ypFyZShVdubc6/full
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