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2003
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291 pages
1 file
For its unfailing support o f my research, the History Department at the University o f N ew Hampshire deserves special recognition. Above all, I thank my adviser, Eliga H. Gould, for his encouragement and steady guidance as the project evolved. Much like its city streets, Boston's complex history can quickly disorient the unwary traveler, and I might still be lost somewhere in its intriguing back alleys i f Dr. Gould had not skillfully steered me back toward Faneuil Hall. In so doing, he often opened up new avenues o f inquiry for me to follow . I am indeed honored to have been his student. My thanks also go to the additional committee members-Jeffry Diefendorf, J. William Harris, Cynthia Van Zandt, and Brigitte Bailey-each o f whom graciously contributed his or her time and expertise toward improving the end product o f my efforts. Finally, I was fortunate enough to have David Waldstreicher from the University o f Notre Dame critique an early v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. version o f what would become the second chapter. To m yself alone I attribute any remaining errors in this dissertation. I am grateful to the staffs o f the follow ing institutions for assisting my research: the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Rare Books Department o f the Boston Public Library, the N ew England Historic Genealogical Society, the Bostonian Society, the Massachusetts Archives, the M ystic Seaport Museum, and the Inter-Library Loan Department at the University o f N ew Hampshire's Dimond Library. I am especially indebted to Ranger Matthew Greif o f the National Park Service Boston National Historical Park, who took an early interest in the project and generously shared his research on Faneuil Hall. My thanks also go to Jon Cote o f the Rhode Island Community Food Bank for some eleventh-hour technical support. Some debts extend beyond the confines o f these pages. Kim Jarvis and H olly Rine, friends and fellow doctoral candidates, were always w illing to lend an ear or offer words o f encouragement, for which I am extremely thankful. More distant friends, especially Jim Sexton, Nathaniel Hoffman, and Mike Meyer patiently endured unanswered e-mails and unretumed phone messages while I worked to complete the project. That I can still call them friends at its end is a testament to their character and my appreciation. And the antics o f three feline companions-A lly, M oxie, and Colbyoften enlivened an otherwise tedious writing process. But my deepest expression o f gratitude goes to my family, whose constant encouragement kept me motivated and focused. The strength o f my mother-in-law, Sandy Binder, through trying times was truly inspirational. My thanks also go out to Gerri Beagle and Skip French, who, having him self been through the dissertation process, vi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. could always be counted on for sage advice. To my beloved parents, Kirsten French and Robert Beagle, I owe much more than my interest in history, not the least o f which is a life-long friend in my brother, Christopher. And finally, my wife Deborah has been a pillar o f patience and faith throughout this entire endeavor. As she has w illingly shared with me all o f the hopes and frustrations o f the graduate school experience, this dissertation is as much a tribute to her work as it is to mine. Its conclusion opens a new chapter in our lives together. vii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Historical journal of Massachusetts, 2018
Christopher Alain Cameron: To Plead Our Own Cause: African Americans in Massachusetts and the Making of the Antislavery Movement, 1630-1835 (Under the direction of Heather A. Williams) This dissertation explores the development of slavery in Massachusetts, including the influence of Puritan religious ideology on the institution, and the rise of an antislavery movement among enslaved and free blacks. It further examines the importance of Christianity to slave life during the eighteenth century and examines African Americans' contributions to the intellectual milieu of the American Revolution. The black abolitionist movement was based in part on the appropriation and transformation of Puritan discourse and whites' political rhetoric directed against Britain into a discourse of abolitionism. Religion was always central to black abolitionists, both in shaping their language and in cementing them into a community of activists that was able to influence both white and black abolitionists throughout the country. While this community of activists was situated in Massachusetts, they were very much intertwined within the larger Atlantic community, as developments such as the English abolitionist and colonization movements, along with the Haitian Revolution, were central to their own struggle. Thus, I explore the importance of African American activists in Massachusetts to the creation of the antislavery movement within their own country and the ways in which developments throughout the Atlantic World influenced the people who initiated organized abolitionism in America. Overall, this dissertation demonstrates that the story of black abolitionism from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century is one of continuity rather than radical change, as the rhetoric, ideas, and iii strategies of activists after 1830 were heavily shaped by those of their predecessors in the 1700s. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This project would not have been possible without the invaluable support, advice, and encouragement from my adviser Heather Andrea Williams. I would also like to thank the rest of my dissertation committee-Kathleen DuVal, Lloyd Kramer, Laurie Maffly-Kipp and Jerma Jackson-for the excellent ideas they gave me during my prospectus defense and supporting my decision to finish the project earlier than anticipated. My graduate colleagues in the history department at UNC have similarly been invaluable to the completion of this study. Randy Browne carefully read each chapter of the dissertation and always offered excellent criticism. This project is what it is largely due to his assistance. Katy Smith, Jennifer Donnally, Eliot Spencer, Catherine Conner and David Palmer also read portions of the project and helped make both my arguments and writing stronger. I would also like to thank some of my undergraduate professors at Keene State College. Joseph Witkowski and Vincent Ferlini chose me to serve as a teaching assistant for their math courses, which were important experiences when deciding to become a college professor. Matthew Crocker's course on the Early American Republic ignited a passion for history that has remained strong to the present. Many thanks to him for recognizing my potential and pushing me so hard to improve my writing. My undergraduate advisor, Gregory Knouff, similarly provided excellent criticism of my work and invaluable support over my last two years of college. v During my studies I have received generous financial support from the Royster Society of Fellows at the University of North Carolina. A Mowry Fellowship from the Department of History funded a month of research in Boston. Short-term fellowships from Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History and the Peabody Essex Museum also funded research in New York City and Salem, Massachusetts respectively. Lastly, I would like to thank my family. Alain and Lynn Cameron opened up their home during a key research trip. Before she passed on my grandmother Gisele and her husband Real Cameron did likewise. Many thanks also to my siblings, and most of all to my mother, Sylvie Cameron, for keeping me grounded and always being there for me. I could not have done this without their love and support. vi
In my love for early American history, I decided to challenge myself to study the two heroines (JMO), Sybil Ludington and Deborah Samson, whose stories need to be taught and recognized.
1998
As suggested above, the book is organized thematically. Each chapter looks at the university's history from a different angle. Several of them deal with the entire sweep of the institution's existence; others are concerned with a particular period. Since the chapters are free-standing, they can be read either at random or in order, from beginning to end. One way or the other, these pages tell much of the story of DePaul over the past one hundred years. The first three chapters, comprising the book's opening section, provide the reader with a picture of the factors that have influenced DePaul as it has grown into a major institution of higher education. The opening chapter by Richard Meister, the university's vice president for academic affairs, provides an overview of the institution's history and describes just how its Catholic, Vincentian and urban identities have changed with time. It is followed by Dennis McCann's discussion of the university's founding, and the circumstances of its early development. McCann suggests that DePaul's tradition of adaptation to its urban environment was shaped from the very beginning by its struggle for survival. Anna Waring's chapter describes the organizational development of the university and changes in its governance structure. Dr. Waring notes that a combination of internal imperatives and external forces have collaborated to shape DePaul's internal organization throughout its history. A central event in both Meister's vii Vincentian institution. The final section of the book, organized in three chapters, deals with the evolution of DePaul from a somewhat parochial commuter institution to the large and innovative university it has become today. In the first of these chapters, Dr. Albert Erlebacher traces the development of the university during the period from 1920 to 1945. This was a time of struggle for DePaul, as enrollments fluctuated and the university was unable to reduce its persistent debt. Erlebacher discusses the difficulty DePaul's leaders experienced in obtaining and maintaining accreditation, and the successes they enjoyed in enhancing the university's religious identity. He also notes the conflicts this may have engendered. The next chapter, by Father Thomas Croak, examines the period that followed, beginning with the accreditation crisis of 1950. Father Croak examines the university's growing commitment to faculty research, a concomitant of professionalization. He also describes the physical expansion of the Lincoln Park campus, essential to the growth of programs in the arts and sciences, education, music and theater. Finally; in chapter 8, Charles Strain describes the development of teaching and learning at DePaul since the crisis of 1950-the evolution of curricular reform across the university. As Dr. Strain notes, DePaul was a pioneer in certain respects, making innovations in the teaching of religion and philosophy that gained national attention. DePaul reorganized its undergraduate curriculum several times in the postwar period and launched a number of novel curricular changes in its adult education and professional schools. In documenting these developments, Dr. Strain describes DePaul's emergence as a comprehensive institution that adapted skillfully to the changing educational and professional scene of the late twentieth century. In the book's epilogue, Richard Meister returns to the question of the university's identity and its distinctive values. He describes the debate that has rattled Catholic higher education viii CHAPTER ONE in October 1967, called on the university to open its doors to the community as it was opening the doors of the new Schmitt Academic Center, Father Cortelyou also established an Ad Hoc Committee on Community Interaction. DePaul's deans were asked to contribute to the inventory of university services to the community, to encourage faculty to move into the neighborhood and to develop activities that focused on the Lincoln Park area. At the same time, the university created the office and position of Community Coordinator. This office served as an information nerve center, promoting interaction between the university's programs and the community, organizing, for example, recreation activities in Alumni Hall for the children of the community. ( ) The 1960s are covered in later chapters in this volume. In chapter eight, Charles Strain discusses the importance of the Curricular Design that was adopted in 1964. It became the foundation for the new university which was destined to transform DePaul into an institution that would draw national attention. In the words of a university report, the new curriculum was deSigned to "utilize the resources of the metropolitan area, which, in effect, constitute the total university campus. It is in this environment that the person will discharge his personal and social responsibility." The report also argued that an expected consequence "of being enrolled in a university founded by the Vincentian Fathers is evidence of the acceptance of selflessness as a present and future way of life, in the family, in vocation and in society. The notion of service within and without the university shall be considered to be a productive end of curricular offerings." (54) explained the new role of faculty within the university: "In a sense here has been change in purpose; namely, to consider the faculty and students as learners together, rather than the teacher and those who are taught." (55) DePaul's mission statement, emphasizing Judaic-Christian principles, instead of those of Saint Thomas Aquinas, and the heritage of Saint Vincent, was clearly separating DePaul from many of its Catholic peer institutions. The four NCA visitors, all from state universities, were impressed with DePaul during their May 15-18, 1967 visit. Their positive report endorsed moving ahead on doctoral education, as long as DePaul addressed the concerns listed in the final report. There were no surprises. The university would have to increase the budgets for those departments involved in doctoral education, to establish a graduate council, to create a university-wide research fund, and to build an endowment. The report noted a number of weaknesses, including the lack of internal collaboration and too much departmental and program autonomy, resulting in the failure to innovate in many areas of the university. Concern for students was expressed. Dormitories were needed; students should be allowed to participate in university governance. The report also commented on the high rate of attrition among students, "DePaul is essentially a metropolitan Chicago university. ... The combined work and course load of some students is too heavy. This may be a factor that contributes to the heavy drop-out and alarming course change record." ( ) As with the larger society, the rosy enthusiasm and self-confidence of the mid-sixties began to turn into pessimism, disenchantment and conflict within five years. As the tensions mounted in the larger society, and especially in the Lincoln Park community, Father Cortelyou reminded the university community that DePaul's mission was public service and not community action and that it served all of Chicagoland. Because DePaul was a university, it was compelled to operate from a basis of policy and its chief contribution was in the area of education. The service programs most mentioned were those of the Mental Health Center and the School of Education, especially programs with Oscar Mayer School. ( ) John Rury in his chapter recounts the events surrounding the take over of the Schmitt Academic Center (SAC) in May 1969 by the Black Student Union. Some faculty members began to voice doubts about the quest for academic quality if it seemed to conflict with Vincentian values. In response to the sit-in at SAC, fifty-three faculty members sent a memo to the board of trustees and the officers of the university that called on "DePaul to take action to insure that the poor of the Lincoln Park area are able to remain in the area and thus enjoy the benefits of its renewal. ... A University named 'DePaul' can do no less." One faculty member, long active in the affairs of Lincoln Park, sent a personal letter to Father Cortelyou urging him to move beyond the LPCA, which was viewed as representative of the middle class against the poor. He suggested that the university purchase the Alexian Brothers land instead of moving south of Belden, that it support the efforts of the poor to obtain low-income housing in the community, and that it cooperate with Waller High School to establish a pipeline for minority stu- dents. He concluded, "I pray that God will give you strength and wisdom in these trying times and gUide you in the important decisions that you have to make. I hope that you know that I am at your service completely." (58) The Campaign for Greatness ultimately failed to generate enough external support to complete the campus plan. Only three buildings were built, the Schmitt Academic Center, the Stuart Student Center, and Clifton Hall, the first large residential facility on campus. The science faculty members were especially frustrated because of the failure to raise the funds for the much needed science research center, along with a significant reduction of federal support for science research and science students because of the war in Vietnam. The Ph.D. in biology became largely a program on paper, with very few students. By the mid-seventies, many in the university asked what was happening to the institutions Catholic and Vincentian presence. Some believed that the newly created department of religious studies and the doctoral program in philosophy had failed to become the integrating disciplines necessary for a Catholic university. They lamented a decline in the number of Vincentians on the faculty because of new hiring processes and the shrinking number of available Vincentians. And symbolic of the disappearance...
2007
This dissertation examines the people who brokered cultural exchange among the various groups in and around Georgia from 1733-1765. Populating the territory were Europeans, Indians, and Africans who interacted frequently with one another despite disparate cultural traits. Cultural brokers not only brought members o f each society together but did so in a manner that allowed the groups to achieve a level o f understanding that would have been otherwise impossible. The project concentrates on four categories o f cultural brokers: Indian traders, military personnel, missionaries, and the Indians themselves. Members o f each o f these groups played critical roles as intermediaries between the natives and the newcomers. In addition to directing the material exchange between the two groups, they conveyed ideological values and diplomatic information as well. Cultural brokers served as interpreters, escorts, and emissaries. They relayed messages, invitations, and military intelligence. They explained one side to the other, interpreting language, protocol, and meanings. They consequently had an invaluable effect on maintaining positive relations between the Indians and the colonists during Georgia's first thirty years. All o f these mediators lived and worked on the frontier, but that does not mean that they were on the fringe o f society. In fact, Georgia's cultural brokers enjoyed a favored position, respected for their abilities to move between Indian and colonial worlds. They were equally comfortable in each society and were fully accepted by both. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Studies provided a generous research grant, as did the College o f William and Mary. Sam Fore and the staff at the Caroliniana Library were helpful and engaging, and the interlibrary loan staff at William and Mary consistently offered a friendly and efficient service. Thanks also goes to the dissertation committee members, Charles Hudson, James Whittenburg, and Andrew Fisher, all o f whom made the final review and defense o f the project more rewarding. Special thanks is offered to James Axtell, whose patience, prodding, humor, and knowledge consistently offered inspiration. Clay Drees and the "old school" colleagues at Virginia Wesleyan College provided a collegial atmosphere in which to teach while working on the dissertation. Susan Kern and Laura Odendahl offered friendship, encouragement, and empathy as only fellow graduate school classmates could. Family fortunately offers unconditional love and support, and for that, the author happily acknowledges a debt o f gratitude to Karen, Dad, Mom, Tip, and most especially Bruce. ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Quaker History, 1989
2010
2013
English colonists built a middle ground which benefitted both groups. Trade, the existence of competition from Dutch and French colonies and powerful Algonquian tribes maintained this middle ground. However, as trade items, such as beaver pelts and wampum became rare or lost value and continued English immigration to New England weakened Dutch claims to the area, the middle ground began to crumble. As English-style farms and livestock changed the ecology of New England and the colonists sought to assert their will, Algonquians lost the ability to live as their ancestors had done for millennia, land and their places in society. The Wampanoag sachem, Metacom, or Philip, and his Native allies fought a bloody war against the English and their Native allies to force the colonists back to the middle ground. The English victory in King Philip's War (1675-76) signaled the end of the middle ground in New England and Native sovereignty in the region. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As is the case with many college undergraduates, I began my freshman year with limited knowledge regarding American Indian history. Through courses at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst I came to realize the depth of subject and the need for additional research. Historians such as Richard White, Daniel Ritcher, Jean O'Brien and Colin Calloway (among others) wrote seminal works on American Indians and have informed the direction I choose in framing my thesis. My advisor and mentor throughout my Masters Degree process at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, Dr. Josh Reid, provided countless hours reading, revising, and advising me while I worked on my thesis and, when necessary, prodded me along during the periods that it appeared as though this would never be finished. Josh is an outstanding teacher and historian, whom I will continue to solicit advice from as I continue my academic career. Similarly, Dr. Bonnie Miller taught me to look at history in a different light and her notes most certainly improved my thesis. While, I was unfortunate enough to not attend a course with Dr. Jonathan Chu, his knowledge of colonial New England provided me with valuable information that strengthened my work. Being blessed with tremendous friends and a supportive family made the weight of this project a lighter burden. My friends provided outlets to bounce ideas off of and the opportunities to escape the books, research and writing, even if for a minute. My brother Jari and his wife, Corey, were profuse in their moral support and quick to offer their time helping me decompress. Liam, my other brother, spent hours editing chapters and cheering me on, vi while his wife, Dr. Lia Martin, has offered an open ear as I navigate the PhD process. Similarly, my father supported me throughout and has integral to my competition of my Masters Degree. Of course, this thesis would not be without the unquestioned love and support of my mother, Betty, and she deserves more credit for the accomplishments for her three sons than words allow. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS
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American Literature, 1987
The New England Quarterly, 2010
New England Journal of Public Policy, 1987