Roman Religion

This article examines bestowed or unprovoked signs (auspicia oblativa) in their role as the most widespread way of obtaining religious sanction in ancient Rome. Ignoring these types of signs was considered dangerous because they were often expressions of divine disapproval. The signs had a public political significance and were performed by the college of augurs. Signs are divided into several types: auspicia coelestia (celestial signs); ex avibus (the behavior of birds) and ex diris (portentous signs). The College of Augurs had no political initiative so could not directly exercise its power, but in certain situations, the results of divinations were used as a pretext for political actions or arguments in various disputes. (Societas Classica, том:Култури и религии на Балканите, в Средиземноморието и изтока, брой:ΙΙΙ-1, редактор/и:И. Дончева, И. Мандова, Л. Радославова, издателство:Университетско издателство “Св. Св. Кирил и Методий”, 2008, стр.:112-123, ISSN (print):978-619-208-128-7)

In this contribution, the aim is to reflect on the Greek translations of Roman official acts, with a focus on the reconstruction of the offices and secretaries that had to deal with this task. For the republican age, through an analysis of some linguistic and stylistic peculiarities of the texts, I will try todemonstrate that the scribae who worked in the aerarium were responsible for the translations; they were required to translate not only scc., leges, or foedera, but also, if necessary, the letters of Roman magistrates. Secondly, I will focus on some official documents of the Augustan age: the Edicts of Cyrene, the so-called s.c. Calvisianum and a letter of Augustus to Cnidus. All of them are united by a pronounced Atticism, a stylistic unicum that allow to speculate that they were the product of the hand of a single translator in the service of the princeps. The translator must have been an intellectual of his court, influenced by the spread of literary Atticism that took place in Rome in the I cent. BC. Although a formalized officium did not yet exist, we can see that a semi-official administrative secretariat was already in operation at the time of Augustus, an embryo of what would later become
the offices of the age of Claudius.

Ausonius is obviously the foremost Latin rhetor of the second part of the 4 th century. Citizen of Bordeaux, teaching rhetoric in his city, he was, due to his notoriety, called and appointed by emperor Valentinian I to be a personal magister/ grammaticus for his teenager son Gratian at Trier. After the dignity of Quaestor close to Gratian from 374 to 378, he was the praetorian prefect for Gauls in 378/379, and thus returned to Trier. 1 His former pupil Gratian was, since 375, the prior Augustus for the western part of the Roman Empire. As Ausonius was nominated for the ordinary consulship of 379, the rhetor wrote and sent him a Gratiarum actio -a Thanksgiving letter -, which is a kind of panegyric. In this text, Ausonius expresses a typically Roman political culture and holds the emperor a discourse as if he were his grand-son. I would like to scrutinize a passage of the chapter 17, where, among Gratian's manifold virtues, he evokes his particular attention to the sicks: Trajan was in the habit of visiting his friends when they were sick: so far we may grant that he had a considerate nature. Your practice is both to visit and to heal them: you provide them with attendants, you order their diet, you prescribe medicines, you furnish the cost of remedies, you comfort them in their pain, and you congratulate them on their recovery. 2 * This paper was first given at Shifting frontiers in Late Antiquity XI th Conference,

In this study, we seek to understand the mosaic of the apsidal room (known as the Arion room) of the Villa Romana del Casale and interpret it using the iconological method structured by Erwin Panofsky. To this end, we interweave art and literature, establishing a textual corpus and a corpus of works of art that supported our understanding and analysis of the work that is the object of this research. Panofsky served as our theoretical foundation and his approach structured our methodology for analyzing the mosaic. We used Greco-Roman literature as a tool, focusing on the writings of Hesiod, Herodotus, Homer, Cicero, Aeschylus, among others, in dialogue with the temporality of the site in question (4th century AD, of the late Roman Empire) to discuss the possible reason why Arion and the marine thiasus intersect in this mosaic. Resulting in a more comprehensive view of the simbolic meaning of the images of the period, especially the mosaic studied, whose analysis combined visual elements with cultural narratives and the socio-historical and cultural context of the period in which the mosaic that is the object of our discussion was constructed.

Во трудот се презентирани конзерваторско-реставраторските работи со делумна реконструкција на објектот Стоа, од класичниот период на археолошкиот локалитет Вардараски Рид – Гевглија. Конзерваторско реставраторските работи се изведени во 2001, 2002 и 2008 година, врз основа на претходно изработени два Елаборати за конзервација, реставрација и реконструкција во 2001 и 2008 година. Клучни зборови: стоа, конзервација, реставрација, реконструкција, супструкција, суперструкциј

Одбраната и заштитата кај човекот е присутна уште од почетокот на неговото постоење. Но во зависност од опасностите и загрозувањата кои биле карактеристични за историскиот период така и се организирала. И на територијата која денес ја сочинува Македонија низ историјата се бележат примери на организирање и функционирање на одбраната и заштитата. Од античкиот период се до Првата светска војна таа го менувала својот облик и начин на функционирање, пред се прилагодувајќи се на тогашните актуелни опасностите и загрозувањата со кои населението се соочувало. За наведениот временски период во трудот ќе биде презентиран начинот на организација и функционирање на одбраната и заштитата во Македонија

Torreparedones se ha convertido en los últimos años en uno de los yacimientos arqueológicos más importantes de Andalucía, gracias a los trabajos llevados a cabo en los años 80-90 del siglo pasado, por un grupo de arqueólogos de las universidades de Córdoba, Complutense de Madrid y Oxford y, sobre todo, a las investigaciones que viene desarrollando el Ayuntamiento de Baena desde 2006. Uno de los sectores mejor conocidos y de mayor interés científico lo encontramos en el santuario meridional ibero-romano donde se documentaron restos de dos edificios destinados al culto. Ambos debieron construirse en época romana, el primero en el período republicano (o a finales de la época ibérica) y el segundo, en época altoimperial durante el reinado de Claudio, quedando abandonado a fines del siglo II d.C. Destaca el hallazgo de 350 exvotos de piedra que representan tanto figuras humanas como miembros del cuerpo. Se ignora el nombre de la divinidad indígena (¿Tanit?) que, en época romana, se sincretizó en-DeaCaelestis/Juno Lucina/Venus Verticordia/Salus. Su imagen era un betiloestiliforme, una columna con capitel foliáceo colocado en la pared norte de la cella.

In the period of the Late Antiquity, Roman emperors issued laws that prohibited different praxis related to paganism and pagan deities. Many of them were connected to the sacrifices (particularly animal sacrifices to the divinities), rituals and different customs, with emphasis on so-called Mystery religions, which encompasses different rituals considered quite bizarre by ordinary Romans. The majority of Roman rulers, starting with Constantine the Great, also prohibited practising magic, night rituals of initiation to particular cults or rituals practised by night, gifting the gods with votive gifts etc. During the reign of Gratian, major changes were made in the context of the relation between the Roman emperor and pagnism - her rejected the title/office of the supreme priest pontifex Maximus, he removed the Victoria altar from the Senate, he refused to finance state pagan cults and he proclaimed cult statues to be considered only the world of art. During the reign of the emperor Theodosius, paganism weakened even more which was mirrored in the destruction of pagan temples and other acts aimed against paganism. In the period of the reigh of Theodosius' heirs, pagan temples became public buildings, while pagan cult statues were marked with crosses (which symbolised the exorcism of demons or baptism of the statue), with the goal to erase every trace of paganism and complete triumph of Christianity.

In one of the most important mining centres of the ancient Central Balkans, known as Municipium DD (contemporary small town of Socanica), the remains of a temple dedicated to Emperor Hadrian’s companion, Antinous were discovered along with different epigraphic monuments and archaeological objects. In this paper, through architectural and archaeological analysis, a proposed interpretation of the temple’s appearance and archaeological objects dated to the same
period as the temple and discovered in the sacral place or its vicinity, is presented. The interpretation of all finds shows that
the 2nd century temple belonged to the Ionic order of temples, which is a significant fact bearing in mind Emperor Hadrian’s respect and love for the Greek culture and art. The temple of the young Bythynian Antinoeion in Municipium DD lasted only briefly (it was presumably later transformed into Jupiter’s temple or a Capitolium) and the imperial effort of spreading the cult of Antinous from the mentioned mining site was carried on not only by the mining administrators and miners, but also other high
officials in the city administration, high officials in the Roman army, etc. The establishment of the Antinous cult far away from its heartlands in Asia Minor, Greece and Rome, attests to Hadrian’s continued wish to spread the cult of his companion in all parts of the Imperium and to offer a hellenophonic vision of a heterogeneous Roman Empire.
Key words - Antinous, Municipium DD, Hadrian, Moesia Superior, temple

During the period of Roman rule in the Central Balkan Roman provinces, among other oriental cults, like the Syrian cult of Sol Invictus or the Persian cult of Mithras, Asia Minor deities and theologies were considerably favoured. Epigraphic and archaeological evidence confirms the existence of the cults of Magna Mater, Attis, Iuppiter Dolichenus, Sabazius, Iuppiter Turmasgades, Iuppiter Melanus, Mēn, and Artemis of Ephesus. However, in the eastern parts of the Central Balkan Roman provinces, certain religious syncretism is emphasized, which can be connected to the strong Thracian influence in the mentioned territory. This paper examines the ways and the degree to which Thracian culture penetrated the religious beliefs and funerary rites of the population that inhabited the eastern parts of the Central Balkans in Antiquity.

The cult of the goddess Fortuna has been attested on the territory of Roman provinces in the Central Balkans with numerous votive monuments, sculptures, votive reliefs, statuettes and on glyptics. The goddess was particularly popular among the army, but also venerated by administrative personnel, merchants, freedmen, slaves and women. The epithets of the goddess imply that she was honoured by her devotees as in other Roman provinces - mainly as the goddess of good luck and chance, but also as the protectress of transport, business, routes and perhaps in bathing facilities. Fortuna was usually worshipped alone, but her pairing with the Egyptian goddess Isis as the syncretistic deity Isis-Fortuna and her relationship with Genii, are confirmed in different Central Balkans localities. The goddess Fortuna?s sanctuaries can be presumed in the vicinity of Ulpiana, Nis, near Kumanovo and probably in Viminacium, while her cult lasted from the 2nd to the last decades of the 3rd century.

The research of this study is dedicated to a unique iconographical scene in the territory of the Central Balkan Roman provinces, of Hercules rescuing Hesione from a sea-monster (ketos), depicted on a funerary monument found in 1931 at the site of Stojnik, in the vicinity of Belgrade, antique Singidunum, and now displayed in the lapidarium of the National Museum in Belgrade. The funerary monument was erected for the deceased, a veteran of cohors II Aurelia nova, Publius Aelius Victorinus, by his wife Aurelia Rufina and their son Publius Aelius Acutianus. The rich iconography of the monument makes it a very important example of funerary art in the period from the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century - the eschatological symbolism of the presented scenes and motifs is more than clear and underlines not only the hope of the deceased?s family for his eternal and blessed life after death, but also the deceased?s victory over death and presents him as a symbol of courage and...

A monumental altar was found in the very centre of Belgrade, ancient Singidunum, in 1932, with iconographic scenes of the sacrificial procession for a ritual animal sacrifice - immolatio. The scenes depict the procession of sacrificial animals to the altar known as pompa, by the victimarii, but also represent priests of a lower rank (flamines minores), with ritual utensils like a wine-pitcher, patera and acerra, used for the ritus of purification which precedes the sacrifice and for ritual acts during the sacrifice. The altar from Singidunum represents a unique monument with the described iconography in the territory of Moesia Superior and it has only been published in catalogue form to date, never fully analysed or interpreted. Through the analysis of its iconography, typology, function, geographically closest analogies and possible context of its finding, new conclusions regarding the praxis of public ritual sacrifice are brought to light related to the period from the second half...

During the archaeological investigation of the villa with peristyle in Mediana in 2011, a marble head, which may have been the head of a goddess, was discovered. Her face and the treatment of her hair show that it may represent a replica of a Hellenistic original. As far as is known, analogies of female marble heads from Mediana show that it probably represented either the goddess Artemis/Diana or Aphrodite/Venus. A hypothesis was made that the head might have been modelled at the end of the 3rd century - 430 A.D. In addition, a hypothesis was made that the base found in 2002, on which was preserved a fragmented head and the tail of a dolphin, and the new found head were parts of the same statue. If this is the case, then the statue can be identified as the type of Capitol Venus, subtype Venus with dolphin.

Recent archaeological excavations in the church of Sant'Avendrace in Cagliari have brought to light a building from the Roman age, that it seems interpretable as a sanctuary due to the architectural features and many finds, easily identifiable as ex voto, like terracotta plaquettes, miniature vases and some moulds. In this issue are presented some preliminary about the original shape of that moulds.

En este artículo planteamos una exposición de la presencia de los dioses, lo sagrado y el sentimiento religioso en la vida del soldado romano, dentro del límite geográfico hispano. Lo haremos diferenciando dos esferas: por un lado, la «pública», impuesta a todo soldado e imbricada en su relación tanto con otras personas como con el espacio; por otro lado, la privada, dando un ejemplo de un tipo de culto atendido por iniciativa propia de los soldados.

Revue de l'équipe de recherche ERASME Université Toulouse -Jean Jaurès (UT2J) Anabases dispose d'un Comité de lecture international. Chaque article envoyé à la rédaction est soumis, une fois anonymisé, à l'expertise de deux spécialistes qui rendent un rapport écrit. Les deux rapports anonymisés sont transmis à l'auteur qui tient compte des observations en vue de la publication.

À l’occasion de la parution du livre Theater der Macht : die Inszenierung der Politik in der römischen Republik (Munich, C. H. Beck, 2023), cet article revient sur le rôle politique de la plèbe de Rome sous la République dans l’œuvre de son auteur, K. J. Hölkeskamp. En replaçant cet ouvrage, aussi bien dans le débat qui en est directement à l’origine (sur la nature, aristocratique ou démocratique, de la République romaine) que dans un iter historiographique plus large portant sur la place accordée, depuis Mommsen, au peuple ou à la plèbe dans la vie politique républicaine, il tente de mieux cerner l’apport des travaux de K. J. Hölkeskamp à la compréhension de la culture politique des masses urbaines, d’en mesurer l’originalité et la finesse, d’en montrer les limites. Malgré des évolutions notables, sur la durée de sa carrière, dans le discours de K. J. Hölkeskamp, la place accordée aux acteurs non aristocratiques de la vie politique demeure celle d’éternels mineurs, cantonnés à reconnaître et légitimer la grandeur de leurs supérieurs.

Review of a book about three important writers of the Second Sophistic (Dio of Prusa, Aelius Aristides, Lucian) presenting some problematic claims about them (according to the author, they cared only for self-presentation, and nothing about their lives or the people they interacted with can be known for sure from their work).

Rome started as a small settlement on the banks of a large river and its history has been tied to the Tiber ever since. This essay investigates a range of myths that feature the changing river as an agent that actively shapes the landscape. Myths of the Tiber contain precious ecological knowledge about the changing environment of the river, reflecting social, religious, and political concerns. The Roman foundation myth is set in a destructive Tiber flood, exhibiting an awareness of both the dangers and the richness of the fluvial environment. The destructive forces of flooding also feature in Horace’s Odes and Vergil’s Aeneid. The god Tiberinus appears to Aeneas in a dream to announce his victory and his death in the same breath. Tiberinus is an active agent that drives Vergil’s epic narrative but also a divinity that the Romans worshiped together with Gaia, his female partner. Several stories combine the masculine portrayal of the Tiber with the productive role of women thus reflecting Roman gender and power dynamics. The story of the creation of the Tiber Island tells of land donation made by two women and renders river phenomena of alluviation and erosion in anthropomorphic terms. The myth of Vertumnus, a shapeshifter god, reflects the fluidity and gender ambivalence of rivers, as shown in the works of Propertius and Sulpicia

Termin hermaphroditus (pl. hermaphroditi) określa w łacinie osobę, która miała żeńskie i męskie organy płciowe 1 . Jest on kalką greckiego rzeczownika ὁ ἑρμαφρόδιτος (ho hermafróditos) 2 . W źródłach łacińskich używa się na określenie obojnaków również słowa androgynus (pl. androgyni). Również i ono jest kopią greckiego rzeczownika ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος (ho andrόgynos), będącego złożeniem słów: ἀνήρ ("mężczyzna") i γυνή ("kobieta") 3 . Autorzy 1 Szerzej na temat rozumienia pojęcia "hermafrodytyzm" zob. D. Lewandowska, Androgyn czy hermafrodyta? Studium nad hermafrodytyzmem w źródłach antycznych, Warszawa 2019, s. XIII-XVII. 2 W mitologii greckiej imieniem Hermafrodyt określano syna Afrodyty i Hermesa, którego wychowywały nimfy w lasach Idy we Frygii. Mając piętnaście lat, rozpoczął wędrówkę po świecie, która przywiodła go nad jezioro w Karii. Tam zakochała się w nim nimfa o imieniu Salmakis. Hermafrodyt odrzucił jednak jej miłość. Kiedy młodzieniec kąpał się w jeziorze, Salmakis objęła go w wodzie i poprosiła bogów, aby połączył ich ciała. Ci wysłuchawszy jej prośby, połączyli Hermafrodyta i Nimfę w nowej postaci o dwoistej naturze. O micie tym wspominają Ovid., met.

Este artigo examina as técnicas e símbolos empregados nas moedas celtas evidenciando a influência de cunhagens de imitação de moedas de Filipe II da Macedônia (final do século IV a.e.c.) na criação da cunhagem celta. A análise é conduzida sob a perspectiva metodológica da numismática por meio do quadro teórico da arqueologia histórica e dos estudos de cultura material que compreende a classificação, tipologia e interpretação das moedas como fontes históricas. Este estudo observa, em particular, as representações de motivos iconográficos de divindades, cavalos, cavaleiros, bem como formas mais abstratas, explorando os seus significados no contexto das sociedades celtas insulares. O trabalho destaca como a introdução das técnicas e ideias de cunhagem mediterrâneas impactou a produção de moedas na Grã-Bretanha, evidenciando uma interação complexa entre diferentes culturas monetárias.

Between 2009 and 2011, the substantial remains of a Roman sanctuary were revealed in the southern part of the ager Rusellanus, in the modern territory of the city of Grosseto. Within the protected area of the Regional Park of Maremma and located originally on a promontory facing the mouth of the Ombrone River, the sanctuary was dedicated to the cult of Diana Umbronensis, a deity previously unknown in this part of Tuscany; its denomination appeared for the first time back in 2003, when an inscription was recovered in the immediate proximity of the sanctuary.

Publication du fonds photographique de la maison Bourgey : catalogue raisonné accompagné d'une synthèse introductive sur l'évolution du système monétaire de 215 à 337 et les ateliers monétaires en activité durant cette période. -2005 -B) Les saints jumeaux héritiers des Dioscures celtes. Lugle et Luglien et autres frères apparentés . Mémoires de la Société belge d'études celtiques, 25, Bruxelles (en coll. avec D. Gricourt), 125 p. Ouvrage sur les prolongements chrétiens, à travers l'hagiographie du Haut Moyen Âge, de la mythologie propre aux dioscures celtiques. La recherche part de la vie latine de Lugle et Luglien, deux saints frères irlandais du VIIe siècle, sans réalité historique, censés avoir été martyrisés par des brigands près de Thérouanne (Pas-de-Calais). L'étude, qui s'élargit à une dizaine de paires de frères sanctifiés par l'Église ou la tradition populaire, met en lumière la permanence de thèmes antiques liés au dioscurisme celtique, tels que l'origine ultra-marine des jumeaux, leur inégalité hiérarchique (l'un prêtre l'autre diacre, l'un baptisé l'autre pas, etc.) et leur alternance à des fonctions éminentes. L'étude des deux cités de Montdidier (Somme) et de Lillers (Pas-de-Calais) qui ont Lugle et Luglien comme saints patrons, permet de démontrer l'existence d'une riche géographie sacrée chrétienne, prolongeant celle, gauloise, partageant le territoire entre les dioscures : le lumineux, estival et civilisateur Lugus (maître des nombreux Lugudunum émaillant la topographie celtique) et le sombre, hivernal et sauvage Cernunnos, équivalent celtique du Dionysos grec comme Lugus est celui d'Apollon. L'examen des déplacements des saints jumeaux et de leur festiaire, met en relief les clés astronomiques sous-jacentes à la mythologie dioscurique : liés à la course solaire, particulièrement lors de la période zodiacale des Gémeaux, les Jumeaux apparaissent, meurent ou se succèdent, aux alentours des grandes articulations de l'année celtque : le 1 er mai, entrée du semestre clair, estival marquant la prédominance du solaire Lugus et le 1 er novembre, début de l'année et du semestre sombre, où règne le sylvestre Cernunnos. Sont également mis en évidence d'autres codes : chromatique, morphologique… différenciant les jumeaux, ainsi que l'équivalence du monde sylvestre et du monde aquatique chez le frère sauvage. Enfin, sont évoqués les continuations littéraires du dioscurisme celtique à travers les jumeaux des romans médiévaux tels que Marin et Lovel ou Valentin et Orson. -2010 -C) Cernunnos le dioscure sauvage. Recherches sur le type dionysiaque chez les Celtes, Éds. de l'Harmattan, Paris (en coll. avec D. Gricourt), 564 p. Monographie consacrée au dieu gaulois Cernunnos. La grande divinité celtique (et non simplement gauloise) est abordée ici sous deux aspects complémentaires. D'une part, son insertion dans le monde divin en particulier son action fonctionnelle en complémentarité et en rivalité avec celle de son frère jumeau Lugus, le dieu apollinien des Celtes, ainsi que la question de sa filiation maternelle et paternelle. D'autre part, les sources mythologiques et iconographiques qui nous présentent Cernunnos, sous son identité première ou sous celles des figures qui l'incarnent (les gallois Mabon/Maponos, Pryderi, Dylan et Gronw Pebyr, les irlandais Cearmaid, Cúroi, Dearg Corra et Mongán, le médiéval Myrddin/Merlin) sont étudiées dans une optique comparatiste, principalement en parallèle avec le domaine hellénique. Il en ressort que Cernunnos est un correspondant étroit du Dionysos grec, avec lequel il partage la multiplicité des formes et des existences et une riche théologie qui en font l'héritier d'un type archaïque de divinité primordiale et sauvage, dont l'indien

Dieser Beitrag stellt kurz fünf Ausgrabungen mit ihren Highlights an römischen sowie mittelalterlichen Funden und Befunden vor. Hypokausten, ein Brennofen, ein Bodenmosaik, Brunnen, ein römischer Keller sowie der spätmittelalterliche Grubeninhalt mit teils vollständig erhaltenen Gefäßen. An römischen Funden stechen zwei lateres mit Graffiti ebenso hervor wie ein einhenkeliger Krug des 2./3. Jh. mit Glanztonüberzug und figürlichem Barbotinedekor, der eine Tierhatz mit einem Löwen, der ein Wildpferd schlägt und Männer mit Stöcken, die die Tiere aufeinanderhetzen, zeigt.

Archaeological Highlights from Wels, 2022–2024
This article briefly presents five excavations and their highlights of Roman and medieval finds and features. Hypocausts, a kiln, a floor mosaic, wells, a Roman cellar, and the late medieval pit contents, which contained some completely preserved vessels. Among the Roman finds, two lateres with graffiti stand out, as does a single-handled jug from the 2nd/3rd century with a glossy clay coating and figurative barbotine decoration depicting a venatio with a lion killing a wild horse and men with sticks setting the animals against each other.

I argue that Priapus offers a bilingual gloss on the name ‘Tisiphone’ in Horace, Satires 1.8. I trace the folk etymology of the Fury’s name and identify various passages in which Latin authors emphasize a perceived connection between Tisiphone and φωνή, voice. I then demonstrate how this bilingual pun casts Priapus as a narrator capable of learned, Alexandrian wordplay.

Come osservò molto tempo fa Confucio, filosofo e leader spirituale cinese vissuto dal 551 al 479 a.C., "Segni e simboli governano il mondo, non parole o leggi!" La politica e la religione moderne hanno dimostrato che Confucio aveva ragione.
La religione come "sistema di simboli" è una caratteristica primaria della definizione di religione in cinque parti di Geertz, quindi il simbolismo sarebbe un buon punto di partenza, in particolare perché Chernus ha suggerito che la definizione di Geertz è universalmente accettata nelle scienze sociali.
Modello di simbolismo sociale di Elzbieta Halas: Halas afferma che "i gruppi esistono solo sulla base della simbolizzazione comune dei loro membri". "I processi di simbolizzazione... creano un ordine sociale, esprimono significato e controllano le azioni. I simboli non sono autonomi. Costituiscono strumenti di azione, indicando e drammatizzando le relazioni sociali"
D. Balaganapath osserva: "La base di ogni cultura e di ogni identità è determinata dalla sua stessa espressione simbolica comune consolidata". Il modello di Erica Hill come "comportamenti sociali dinamici inseriti nel contesto della vita quotidiana dei cacciatori-raccoglitori artici e credenze negli spiriti animali come "relazioni umane con il mondo naturale"; "I loro pensieri e azioni stabilivano e mantenevano relazioni con gli animali da preda e possono essere concettualizzati in modo più produttivo come comportamenti sociali dinamici inseriti nel contesto della vita quotidiana piuttosto che come atti rituali privilegiati". - e le credenze focalizzavano l'attenzione della comunità sull'attività di caccia-raccolta di animali.
Modello di Emile Durkheim: "Le forze davanti alle quali il credente si inchina non sono semplici energie fisiche, come quelle presentate ai sensi e all'immaginazione; sono forze sociali",
Modello di Ramon Reyes: "In sintesi, un ordine sociale e morale comprende i vivi, i morti, le divinità e gli spiriti e l'ambiente totale".

Lo studio dei terremoti antichi e delle loro testimonianze é stato generalmente condotto in maniera frammentaria e isolata. Quasi sempre, questi fenomeni sono stati indagati senza tentare un raífronto fra i varí episodí catastrofici: fonti sporadiche e approssimate hanno scoraggiato gli storici, e i pochi tentativi di studiare l'insieme della documentazione si sono risolti in aridi elenchi di fonti e date1. La ricerca si é svolta in due separate direzioni: da una parte lo studio delle antiche concezioni sismologiche, dall'altra quello delle testi monianze sui vari terremoti2. Entrambi gli argomenti, pri vad di un contesto piü ampio, si sono rivelati piuttosto mar ginali negli studi di antichistica. Una serie di pregiudizi ha finito per imporsi, e in certi casi i malintesi si sono molti plicati a catena3. Comunque, anche se tuttora manca un re 1 Fra i cataloghi sismici veri e propri v. H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde I. Land und Leute, Berlin 1883, 283-288, per l'ltalia; A. Hermann, s. v. Erd beben, Reallex. f. Ant. u. Chr., V (1962), 1070-1113, solo a partiré dall'era cri stiana; l'annuncio di una raccolta delle fonti latine e greche é in Ν. Ν Ambraseys, Value of Historical Records of Earthquakes, Nature, 232, 1971 374-379. 2 Sulle antiche concezioni scientifiche vi é un breve saggio, assai super ficiale, di L. Chatelain, Théories d'auteurs anciens sur les tremblements des terre, MEFR,

El artículo aborda la problemática de la identificación de los templos vinculados al denominado culto imperial en la Bética a partir de dos casos de estudio: el temenos localizado en la actual plaza de España en Écija (Astigi), y el gran espacio cultual ubicado en la ampliación adrianea de Itálica y conocido como Traianeum. El análisis de sendos recintos revela, como se ha indicado, la dificultad para identificar los denominados templos de culto imperial, pues el recinto sacro en el que se incluían podía contener una compleja presencia de divinidades.

Il convegno italo-francese promuove la collaborazione e il confronto scientifico tra giovani ricercatrici e ricercatori del Centro AMA e del Laboratoire ANHIMA, con l'obiettivo di approfondire il complesso rapporto tra guerra, religione e protezione divina nelle società greco-romane. Tale tematica si articola su due principali assi di ricerca: quello rituale e quello materiale. La prima giornata di convegno è dedicata allo studio delle pratiche religiose volte ad interpretare i segni divini e conoscerne il significato, al fine di compiacere la divinità e di renderla propizia nel corso del conflitto. Nella seconda giornata vengono presentati alcuni esempi di impiego di oggetti materiali a scopo difensivo che, dotati di una specifica agentività, garantiscono protezione sul campo di battaglia.

Nelle società greche e romane, la religione svolgeva un ruolo centrale nell'affrontare i pericoli durante le battaglie, mobilitando mezzi sia materiali che rituali. Prima del combattimento, la divinazione permette di comprendere la volontà degli dei, mentre i sacrifici e i rituali di purificazione mirano ad ottenere il loro favore. Sia nella religione greca che in quella romana, poiché si ritiene che gli dei si schierino in un conflitto e combattano al fianco degli uomini, i rituali eseguiti prima della battaglia mirano sempre a garantire il loro sostegno e protezione durante lo scontro. Questo tema multidisciplinare verrà approfondito nel corso del convegno concentrandosi su due grandi filoni di ricerca: il primo dedicato allo studio delle pratiche religiose come la divinazione, i sacrifici e i riti propiziatori, attraverso l'analisi di fonti letterarie e iconografiche, al fine di comprenderne le interpretazioni e i loro impatti. La seconda affronta gli aspetti materiali della religione guerriera, attraverso l'intersezione di fonti archeologiche, iconografiche e letterarie; in particolare l'attrezzatura decorata utilizzata per tentare di controllare il caso. Questi artefatti, decorati con divinità e simboli divini, combinano protezione fisica e invocazione rituale, mettendo in discussione il legame tra materialità e poteri divini evocati nel contesto del combattimento.

Dans les sociétés grecques et romaines, la religion joue un rôle central pour faire face aux dangers tout au long des batailles, en mobilisant des moyens tant matériels que rituels. Avant le combat, la divination permet de comprendre la volonté des dieux, tandis que sacrifices et rituels de purification visent à obtenir leur faveur. Dans la religion grecque comme romaine, dès lors que l’on croit que les dieux prennent parti dans un conflit et combattent aux côtés des hommes, les rituels accomplis avant la bataille visent toujours à s’assurer de leur soutien et de leur protection tout au long de l’affrontement. Ce thème pluridisciplinaire sera exploré lors de ce colloque en s’articulant autour de deux axes de recherches majeurs: le premier consacré à l’étude des pratiques religieuses telles que la divination, les sacrifices et les rites propitiatoires, à travers l’analyse des sources littéraires et iconographiques, afin de comprendre leurs interprétations et leurs impacts. Le second aborde les aspects matériels de la religion guerrière, par le biais du croisement des sources archéologiques, iconographiques et littéraires; notamment l’équipement ornementé utilisé pour tenter de maîtriser le hasard. Ces artefacts, ornés de divinités et de symboles divins, allient protection physique et invocation rituels, interrogeant le lien entre matérialité et pouvoirs divins convoqués dans le contexte du combat.

The end of 2023 saw the publication for the first time of Volumes 3 and 4 of the Tragicorum Romanorum fragmenta series (henceforth TrRF), devoted respectively to Accius and to Pacuvius, as well as updated editions of Volumes 1 (Livius Andronicus, Naevius, Tragici minores, Adespota; edited by Markus Schauer) and 2 (Ennius; edited by Gesine Manuwald), first published in 2012 and now both revised by Manuwald (with the assistance, where Volume 1 is concerned, of Jochen Schultheiß and a team of student helpers and research assistants). 2 Volume 3 on Pacuvius is edited by Petra Schierl, who returns to that poet after her 2006 edition of his work which stemmed from a Munich PhD dissertation, while Jochen Schultheiß takes charge of Volume 4 on the tragedies of Accius. For reasons that will be detailed below, readers will still find it profitable to consult Schierl's earlier edition on Pacuvius alongside her new TrRF contribution. But regarding Schultheiß's Accius volume, it will now replace the 1995 Budé edition by Jacqueline Dangel and become the standard critical edition. Before examining these volumes in greater detail, it should be stated from the outset that both editors abide by certain editorial principles which have been decided on in collaboration with the series editors, Wolfgang-Widu Ehlers, Gesine Manuwald, Markus Schauer, and Bernd Seidensticker. Accordingly, Schierl and Schultheiß should not be made to bear full responsibility for the difficulties that stem from some of these editorial principles. Although some will disagree with some aspects of the methodology and quibble about the text of certain fragments, it was a momentous undertaking, and the results are highly impressive. Both editors have performed a truly tremendous service to all scholars who take a serious interest not only in Roman Republican tragedy, but also in Early Latin literature and indeed in ancient drama more broadly. 3 The two volumes under review both have a similar layout. Most of the prefatory material will be familiar to users of the first editions of Volumes 1 and Copyright of Exemplaria Classica is the property of Exemplaria Classica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.