Political Philosophy

The present study investigated the Academic Achievement, Emotional Maturity and Intelligence of Secondary School Students in Assam. The study was conducted on one thousand class-X students by giving due representation to boys (500) and girls (500) as well as rural and urban localities of Lakhimpur and Sonitpur districts of Assam. The schools were selected using stratified random sampling technique, and students were selected using simple random sampling technique.The descriptive survey method is used for data collection. As far as academic achievement of the students was concerned for the purpose of the present study, the investigator visited the selected schools and collected the school records of the selected students i.e. mark’s obtained by the students in the last annual examination, 2014 (i.e. Class IX annual examination). The emotional maturity of the students was measured by using Emotional Maturity Scale (EMS) developed by Singh and Bhargava (1984) and intelligence was measu...

The present study investigated the emotional maturity and intelligence of secondary school students Assam. The study was conducted on one thousand class-X students by giving due representation to boys (500) and girls (500) as well as rural and urban localities of both the districts. The schools were selected using stratified random sampling technique, and students were selected using simple random sampling technique. The descriptive survey method is used for data collection using emotional maturity scale constructed and standardized by M. Bhargava and Y. Singh (1990) and group test of mental ability constructed and standardized by Dr. S.Jalota. The findings of the study reported that there is a negative relationship between emotional maturity and intelligence among the secondary school students of whole sample of both the districts.

Durant les révolutions en Amérique hispanique du début du XIXe siècle, une vingtaine de républiques s’organisent sur le continent après trois cents ans de monarchie. Comment expliquer cette explosion républicaine, la plus vaste du monde atlantique ? C’est à cette question que ce livre cherche à répondre. À partir d’une histoire conceptuelle de la république dans le monde hispanique depuis le XVIe siècle, il montre comment se sont entrelacées la nouveauté d’une vision émancipatrice des révolutions modernes et les anciennes références classiques à la res publica de la monarchie catholique. En analysant la révolution d’indépendance en Amérique du Sud, notamment sur le territoire de la vice-royauté du Rio de la Plata, l’ouvrage explore la mise en place d’un scénario républicain face à l’incertitude des abdications royales imposées par Napoléon en 1808. Plus qu’une forme de gouvernement, on voit ici se dévoiler une république catholique qui renvoie tout autant à l’institution d’une communauté politique, centrée sur la cité, qu’à l’articulation d’un langage de liberté publique et de patriotisme. Les deux dimensions ont permis aux révolutionnaires hispano-américains de donner sens à leur expérience dans un contexte de guerre. Cette histoire de la république révèle aussi les ambiguïtés et les enjeux constitutifs du républicanisme atlantique.

The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the 'state of [exception]' in which we live […] is the rule. We must attain to a [concept] of history that [corresponds to] this insight. Then we will [have before us as] our task to bring about [the true] state of [exception], and this will improve our position in the struggle against fascism. [The] reason fascism has a chance is that [its opponents confront it in the name of progress] as a historical norm. -The current amazement that the things we are experiencing are 'still' possible in the twentieth century is not philosophical. This amazement is not [at] the beginning of [a] knowledge[, if not that] the view of history [from which it derives] is untenable".

Estos textos fueron escritos y leídos con motivo de la publicación del libro de Claudio Aguayo-Bórquez, Imaginación conservadora y miedo a las masas. Romanticismo político, contrarrevolución y jergas de la autenticidad en Chile (siglos XIX y XX). Gracias a la gestión de la editorial Voces Opuestas, en Valparaíso, a fines del año 2024. Para efectos de este dossier han sido levemente modificados, salvo el texto titulado Pensar la derecha más allá del neoliberalismo que apareció como prólogo del libro en cuestión.

In this paper I will review one of the prevailing arguments used to refute that animals can be considered subjects of rights-that animals cannot be subjects of rights because they cannot assume duties. The canonical way to respond to this question is to appeal to the arguments of "species overlap" (i.e. there are humans without certain abilities that are nonetheless subject of rights); and the "moral relevance" argument (highlighting the irrelevance of that incapability to gain right's protection). At the legal level, both arguments suggest that de facto incapacity to assume obligations is not an obstacle to being a subject of rights (at least in matters involving humans). Although obviously flawed, the argument from obligations persists in rulings and doctrine. In this paper, I will take a critical look at the obligations argument and propose that the best way to address the argument is to examine the political theory that supports it. That political theory will be evaluated in light of Donaldson and Kymlicka's proposal of citizenship for other animals whereby the authors argue that animals can and do fulfill some obligations in today's interspecies societies.

Por qué el liberalismo es todo lo que necesitas para tener una vida plena y feliz y cómo puedes convertirte en mejor persona si te tomas más en serio tus creencias liberales.

Una carta de amor a una forma de vida cada vez más cuestionada

Somos más liberales de lo que pensamos. En nuestras costumbres y valores aún pervive esa tradición que John Rawls definió como «un sistema equitativo de cooperación». Aunque lo ignoremos, el liberalismo está en la raíz de nuestras vidas y en el modo en que actuamos en sociedad y en la arena política. Pero ¿por cuánto tiempo?

Alexandre Lefebvre, profesor de Política y Filosofía, asume que los valores que han conformado Occidente están hoy amenazados: «Una masa crítica de ciudadanos de las democracias liberales ha dejado de creer en el liberalismo». Sin embargo, la liberal sigue siendo una buena idea, la mejor, y es necesario redescubrirla para poder defenderla.

Liberalismo como forma de vida es un puente hacia una visión del mundo abierta y digna, al alcance de todos. En este libro, Lefebvre define lo que entiende por liberalismo, identifica sus principios e ideales, señala de qué manera moldean nuestra autoconcepción, explica cómo podemos cultivar esos compromisos y sugiere por qué es una buena idea.

Porque la mejor garantía de una vida plena es volver a llenar de contenido la tradición que nos llevó a convertirnos en la sociedad más tolerante y pujante de la historia.

Regardless of the state-religion relationship, religious education occupies a unique place in the curriculum of the general education system of the majority of democratic states in the first quarter of the 21st century. The reason is not only the organic connection of religion with a nation's culture and value system or the increase in the number of citizens separated from their cultural heritage due to the influence of secularization. The inclusion of religious education in national education systems is also related to the interaction of religion and politics in various international conflicts, the global threat caused by numerous radical religious groups in several countries, the transition from mono-confessional societies to multi-confessional societies as a result of globalization, and other social and political factors. While facing common international problems related to religion, each state independently decides on its religious education model in the national curriculum as a part of state policy. Although independent religious subjects are not taught in the public schools of Azerbaijan, religious education is carried out in an integrative form within the framework of social and human sciences by applying the learning about religion model. In addition to subjects like History, Literature, and the Azerbaijani language, where integrated brief information about religion is provided, basic information about religion is taught in the Life Science textbooks, which have been taught in public schools since 2004. The content and framework of this information are prepared based on the educational program (curriculum) for the Life Science subject for secondary schools of the Republic of Azerbaijan. This article examines the historical development process of religious education at the international and local levels as an understudied subject in Azerbaijan. For this purpose, the article investigates the position of religious education in the global educational environment, studies the impact of state-religion relations on the model of religious education, and analyzes the current situation of religious education in Azerbaijan’s secondary schools.

Since the 1960s, neo-conservatives advanced their agenda through journals, think tanks, coalitions, and by serving as high-level government officials. While scholars have noted this influence, there's little written on how neo-conservative ideas have evolved and influenced foreign policy under these changing historical circumstances. Moreover, very little scholarship foils neo-conservatism against the two dominant approaches to foreign policy in the 20 th century -realism and liberalism -to discover how they are held together as a group. This thesis finds that neo-conservatism is a political ideology of American foreign policy that has developed several common tendencies over the last forty years. These include an ardent belief in the use of unilateral American military power, distain for multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, Wilsonian ideas of spreading democracy, steadfast support for Israel, and overstated threat assessments.

Truthfulness has never been counted among political virtues because it has little to contribute to that change in the world and circumstances among the most legitimate political activities. Only where a community has embarked upon organized lying on principle, and not only concerning particulars, can truthfulness as such, unsupported by the distorting forces of power and interest, become a political factor of the first order. Where everybody lies about everything of importance, the truthteller, whether he knows it or not, has begun to act; he, too, has engaged himself in political business, for, in the unlikely event that he survives, he has made a start toward changing the world.-Hannah Arendt, "Truth and Politics," 1967

This article examines Hannah Arendt’s attitude towards Holocaust survivors’ testimonies, as reflected in her first book The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). Although Arendt based her analysis of life in the Nazi concentration camps and her theory on “total domination” in large part on Holocaust survivors’ testimonies, her attitude towards first hand accounts was ambivalent and even skeptic. According to Arendt, survivors of the concentration camps are not capable of reflecting on their experience in any meaningful way. Their experiences in and of themselves cannot teach us about the camps because they lack positive content and therefore, they are not unique. In her view, firsthand accounts are inherently unintelligible, since they try to communicate something which remains unimaginable and incredible. Only those who are “free from the bestial, desperate terror … can afford to keep thinking about horrors,” she wrote.
The doubts that Arendt expressedd in The Origins of Totalitarianism regarding the value of eyewitness accounts in explaining the events of the camps are not exceptional in the general attitude of historians, who usually treated them with great mistrust. Such doubts, I argue in this article, should be reflected upon not only in the context of the general perception at the end of the 1940s, beginning of the 1950s, which could not cope with survivors’ testimonies, but mainly in light of Arendt’s broader theoretical stances regarding political judgment and other social mores that focus on suffering, pity and compassion, as reflected in her later writings.

. The literature review brings us closer to understanding, it is of utmost importance for the construction and analysis of knowledge. The approach to these points arises from the vision of general science and is specifically directed to gerontology, which is a vehicle to transit through the objectives set out here. It is interesting to elucidate the construction of the origin of gerontology itself, not only as an etymological element but also from the formation of the discourse that gave rise to what would become the field of knowledge that it is today. The review of scientific literature allows us to recognize the importance and value of gerontology and, above all, its field of application, its contributions to the knowledge of older people seen, for example, from the life cycle. It allows those interested in the field raised here to recognize the double reading of old age, one from the biological sciences, the other from those of a social nature. When going through the intricate points of life, it does not seem strange to recognize the critical moments of the aging process, which constitutes a substantive part of the stages of life to ultimately become a matter for everyone, but not always understood in its entirety. In conclusion, it is possible to conclude on the obvious need to continue analyzing and constructing not only the necessary discourses but also the epistemological and philosophical principles of the study of old age and aging, understanding that gerontology is constituted not as a science in its own right but as a crucible that enriches a dynamic and inexhaustible scientific discipline.

For about five decades the phrase "sanctity-of-life" has been part of the Anglo-American biomedical ethical discussion related to abortion and end-of-life questions. Nevertheless, the concept's origin and meaning are unclear. Much controversy is based on the mistaken assumption that the concept denotes the absolute value of human life and thus dictates a strict prohibition on euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide. In this paper, I offer an analysis of the religious and philosophical history of the idea of "sanctity-of-life." Drawing on biblical texts and interpretation as well as Kant's secularization of the concept, I argue that "sanctity" has been misunderstood as an ontological feature of biological human life, and instead locate the idea within the historical virtue-ethical tradition, which understands sanctification as a personal achievement through one's own actions.

Daniel A. Bell’s searching for possible alternatives to liberal democracy in light of the political progress in the Asian countries spans two decades, culminating in his proposal of the so-called Chinese political meritocracy or xianneng zhengzhi. This article indicates the conceptual asymmetry between xianneng zhengzhi and “meritocracy” in three aspects. Firstly, in their respective cultural traditions, xianneng zhengzhi remains at the brighter end of the spectrum of political ideas while “meritocracy” is bogged down in a highly polarized reception. Secondly, “meritocracy” lacks the quintessence of xianneng zhengzhi, namely, an explicit stress on priority of moral worthiness. Thirdly, “meritocracy” is built upon foundational individualism and focuses on the individual performance and achievement. Although Confucian political tradition and the Western conception of meritocracy share some functional similarities, using the synthesized term “Confucian meritocracy” to introduce the Confucian political tradition may commit a cross-cultural hermeneutic fallacy.

In this treatise, a genealogical and archaeological critique of anarchism and other forms of politics will be carried out in order to unravel the complexities and contradictions inherent in current political conceptions. The main objective is to deconstruct hegemonic narratives, revealing the power dynamics and domination underlying these ideological constructions. The aim is to innovate resistance strategies against these structures while seeking to reformulate the anthropological view of politics, in line with contemporary political discourse. Through critical theory and poststructuralist philosophy, the categories and naturalized assumptions in the history of political theory will be challenged. It will be argued that true libertarians are anarchists, and the identification of capitalism with anarchism will be questioned. Finally, alternatives termed "subversive resistance practices" will be explored, grounded in Michel Foucault's critique of Marx's communism, with the purpose of outlining a more coherent contestatory and subversive politics.

In ihrem Buch zeigt Dana Schmalz, dass auch die gegenwärtigen Diskurse zum weltweiten Bevölkerungswachstum immer noch durch anfänglichen Schock und die darauffolgende Panik geprägt sind. Als Anfang der 1970er Jahre die Angst vor einer Bevölkerungsexplosion ihren Höhepunkt erreichte, zeichnete sich in den Industriestaaten längst ein deutlicher Rückgang der Geburtenzahlen ab. Der sogenannte Pillenknick hatte bereits seit einigen Jahren seine Spuren in der Statistik hinterlassen, und die Baby-Boomer-Phase der Nachkriegszeit neigte sich ihrem Ende zu. Trotzdem malten viele Prognosen das düstere Bild einer Zukunft, in der die Erde eines Tages von der Menschheit überfordert sein würde. Der berühmte Bericht des "Club of Rome" machte dafür nicht nur das industrielle, sondern vor allem auch das

Katsaus käsittelee keppihevosiin liittyvän leikin liikunnallistumista ja (media)urheilullistumista. Peilaan digitalisaation vaikutuksia keppihevosten ympärille kehittyneeseen nykyleikkiin, harrastajiksi tunnustautuviin leikkijöihin ja urheilullistuvaan leikkikulttuuriin keppariharrastajien tuottamien sosiaalisen median sisältöjen ja aiheesta julkaistun verkkovälitteisen uutisoinnin kautta. Tarkastelun keskiössä on liikuttava leikki; lasten ja nuorten keppihevostoimintaan liittämät fyysisyyden, funktionaalisuuden, fiktionaalisuuden ja affektiivisuuden merkitykset. Totean, että alakulttuurinen ja leikkijälähtöinen toiminta synnyttää kilpaurheiluksi järjestäytyessään ympärilleen omaleimaisen yhteisön, joka vikuroi tarvittaessa vallitsevaa kilpaurheiluhegemoniaa vastaan. töskirjassaan hevosen asemaa eri kategorioiden välisenä hybridinä (Schuurman 2012, 51). Keppihevosia eli keppareita on niin ikään mahdollista käsitellä hybrideinä, joissa niiden (media)urheilullistuvassa muutoksessa olevaa luonnetta voidaan ymmärtää niin esineiden, kulttuurituotteiden, eläinsuhteen ilmen-tymien kuin hyöty-ja viihdekäytönkin näkökulmista.

Kitabinin yazari Herbert Spencer, “The Man Versus The State” eserini 1884 yilinda yayinlar. Liberal bir sosyolog olan Spencer, devletin cebri duzenlemeler ile liberal ideolojinin disina ciktigini ve klasik liberalizmden uzaklasan modern liberalizmin yaklasan yeni bir tur sosyalizm ve kolelige donusturuldugunu iddia eder. Bu baglamda analiz ve degerlendirme konusu yaptigimiz ilgili calisma, eserin konu ve icerik dizilimi esas alinarak basliklar halinde irdelenmistir. Eserin politik ve hukuki, sosyal ve ahlaki sahalarda guncelligini hala koruyan paradigmatik meselelere yapmis oldugu cozumleyici katki eserin onemini korumasini saglamaktadir.

Il presente volume indaga il neoliberalismo nella sua idea di fondo: la scelta della guerra civile per realizzare il progetto di una società di mercato pura; una guerra di dominio polimorfa, che a volte utilizza la coercizione militare e di polizia, ma che spesso si confonde con l'esercizio del potere governativo e viene quindi condotta all'interno e attraverso le istituzioni dello Stato.
Da Hayek a Tatcher e Pinochet, da Mises a Trump e Bolsonaro, da Lippmann a Biden e Macron, il neoliberalismo ha assunto e continua ad assumere varie forme, a seconda delle circostanze. In questa prospettiva strategica, ciò che emerge è la storia di una logica dogmatica implacabile che non presta attenzione ai mezzi utilizzati per indebolire e, se possibile, schiacciare i propri nemici.

In this article, we analyse the theoretical elements that form the foundation of James Harrington's political theory, demonstrating that they are primarily constructed in relation to Machiavelli's legacy. We intend to show that Harrington's relationship with Machiavelli's republicanism is paradoxical through: (1) the analysis of Harrington's selective use of certain classical sources in relation to Machiavelli; (2) the evolution of Harrington's thought; 3) the relationship between the Roman model and the Spartan model. In his republican model Harrington tries to respond to two self-imposed requirements that, we believe, conflict with each other: that of developing a sincerely republican system while keeping his distance from Machiavelli's more radical and pro-popular positions. Our thesis is that Harrington elaborates his political theory from these conflicting goals and that this sometimes-contradictory need creates tensions that make his republicanism paradoxical.

Resumen: Una lectura rápida de Álvaro d'Ors puede sugerir una visión negativa de la libertad. Sin embargo, una lectura contextualizada del conjunto de su enseñanza pone de manifiesto que sostiene una concepción amplia y positiva. Más aún, d'Ors critica a la modernidad, ...

Cada tarde millones de televidentes en América Latina ven telenovelas. Por más de treinta años las telenovelas han dominado la programación del horario estelar en casi toda la región. Aquí, América Latina es más que un área geográfica: cubre una región culturalmente ...

El primer texto de Aranguren sobre el intelectual (1959) ya lo señala como la conciencia moral de la sociedad. El encargado de reducir la distancia entre lo que es y lo que debe ser. En 1969 apunta la necesidad de que el intelectual se independice de la sociedad a la que pertenece para poder criticarla y ponerla en cuestión. Asimismo propone la democracia como moral. Su labor como intelectual en el franquismo y el post-franquismo resultó fundamental. Entendió el intento de golpe de estado del 23 de febrero de 1981 como el afianzamiento, la mayoría de edad, de la joven democracia española.

In this chapter, I show how the use of two approaches to conflict resolution -- collaborative problem solving and dialectical engagement -- can be used successfully to resolve political conflict between partisan adversaries on contentious social issues.  In so doing, I show how collaborative problem-solving provides a means to forge a more collaborative democracy.  The paper contains a description of these modes of conflict resolution and a report of a study in which, over an 18-month period, six individuals of different political orientations were able to use collaborative and dialectical problem solving to generate massive agreement on ways to solve a series of pressing socio-political problems. In this paper, we should how the group was able to form dramatic consensus on the issue of capital punishment in the United States.

Care amiche e cari amici, sottopongo alla Vostra attenzione le riflessioni che mi sono state suggerite da questo bel libro dI Francesco Torchiani su Salvemini. Spero possano stimolare la Vostra curiosità. Grazie per qualche minuto di tempo che mi vorrete dedicare. Gaetano Pecora

I. Il concetto polivalente di potenza alle origini della metafisica occidentale 1. «Analogia di potenza» Tesi centrale di ogni teologia politica è che il problema teologico della poten-za divina si costruisca in modo da valere come schema di interpretazione del fenomeno "secolare" della potenza umana: che la potenza di dio agisca da crite-rio ermeneutico in relazione al "quantitativo di potenza" espresso dal singolo in-dividuo (o soggetto collettivo) nel mondo umano. Si potrebbe parlare propriamente, in questo caso, di una analogia di po-tenza tra l'uomo e dio, e il criterio analogico potrebbe funzionare anche in senso inverso: dall'uomo a dio, per cui le stesse regole-le stesse leggi di movimento della potenza umana-dovrebbero valere (stante l'unità ontologica dell'Essere, e fatta salva la proporzione finito/infinito) per l'onnipotenza divina, ricostruita dal sapere teologico. Secondo gli schemi della teologia politica ebraico-cristiana il ra...

Al iniciar la redacción de un artículo, no deberíamos olvidar jamás aquella educada costumbre de la captatio benevolentiae. Por regla general, son muchas las razones que nos aconsejan pedir la indulgencia de nuestros lectores, puesto que, al fin y al cabo, sería absurdo pensar que se parte de cero y que la novedad, el hallazgo e incluso la verdad definitiva son el resultado usual de la investigación filológica. Lo digo, claro está, porque relacionar de nuevo Muerte en Venecia de Thomas Mann y el éros griego puede parecer a estas alturas gratuito por consabido y obvio. Efectivamente, a lo largo de la novela el escritor alemán hace demasiadas referencias a Sócrates y a Fedro como para poder mantener que, respecto de este tema, queda todavía algo por dilucidar 3 . Y, sin embargo, desde que traduje El Erótico de Plutarco 4 y, por consiguiente, retuve en la memoria mucho más de lo que habitualmente consigo depositar en ella, sospeché de inmediato que no todo estaba dicho y que había lugar aún para nuevas aportaciones. O, dicho de otro modo, a pesar de las indicaciones del autor, quizá habría que seguir otros caminos a fin de descubrir la fuente real del contenido griego del texto. He aquí, pues, el porqué de un nuevo trabajo sobre Muerte en Venecia, y, naturalmente, espero que los análisis que lo acompañarán sean lo suficientemente sugerentes para, además de la captatio

Vyprávěním ab ovo, od Velkého třesku, vstupujeme do fascinujícího světa lidského mozku. Tento dobrodružný příběh podložený vědou i se svou apokalyptickou částí ústrojně zapadl do dnešní doby, Zeitgeistu, jako velmi žádaný, jako potrava a doslova živá voda pro vyprahlé duše/mozky. Není tedy až tak s podivem, že v české verzi je již rozebrán 3. dotisk knihy a i v anglosaském světě se jedná o ojedinělý bestseller českého autora, o který se zajímá prestižní nakladatelství Penguin Books. Autora si není třeba na stránkách Přítomnosti představovat, je jím její vydavatel a známý česko-americký neurolog a pedagog z Univerzity v Yale MUDr. Martin Jan Stránský (*1956). Kniha představuje v úhrnu výsledek několika desítek let vědeckých výzkumů v oblasti mozku a v oblasti vlivu moderních technologií na něj. Pokud byl autor známý již předtím jako plamenný a neohrožený obhájce reálného světa v opozici proti tomu digitálnímu ve svých živých projevech a přednáškách za Atlantikem i u nás, zde máme poprvé možnost seznámit se s jeho cennými postřehy a myšlenkami v tištěné podobě v pohodlí našeho čtenářského zážitku. Není to však pouze odborná kniha z oblasti neurologie mozku. V neposlední řadě dílo vzniklo jako služba lidem a současnosti, jako důrazné varování, jako poslední výzva, která umožňuje běžnému člověku se lépe orientovat v komplexní přítomnosti. Kniha vznikla jako anglický originál a český čtenář má k dispozici překlad. Ovšem vzhledem ke zjištěným chybám v textu a k některým překladatelsky nedotaženým větám, které nejsou výjimkou, doporučuji anglický originál.

Vzestup a pád lidské mysli má v zásadě dvě základní roviny. Ta první vychází z premis vědeckého prostředí scientismu, experimentů, racionality a přesvědčivé lidské empirie. V té druhé se opouští striktně vědecké prostředí a o slovo se přihlásí prorocká a apokalyptická vize lidské budoucnosti, která má blíže spíše k lyričnosti, pocitovosti. Běžný čtenář téměř jistě nebude rozporovat Stránského odbornost v neurologii; uvedené poznatky o mozku v jeho evolučním vývoji a ve většině jeho běžných projevech jsou nejen fascinující, ale i podané s nadhledem a vtipem spolu s neodmyslitelnými příklady z praxe, které fungují jako pravá exempla a kromě své doslovné kvality mají i nespornou kvalitu satirickou a aforistickou.

El derecho al juicio en el proceso penal de los parlamentarios imputados por delito The right to trial in the criminal proceedings of parliamentarians charged with a crime Revista Jurídica Digital UANDES 2/1 (2018), 164-169 Resumen: Este comentario sintetiza la doctrina jurisprudencial sobre un aspecto novedoso del proceso penal chileno, que reconoce a los parlamentarios que hayan perdido su fuero, el derecho al juicio penal de manera pronta y expedita. Lo anterior se explica como un privilegio para proteger la representatividad democrática, que puede ser modificada por la actuación del Ministerio Público. Como la declaración de desafuero produce la suspensión del parlamentario, el sistema procesal penal reconoce a ese imputado, de una manera expedita y sin posibilidad de dilaciones, el derecho al juicio. Palabras clave: Fuero parlamentario; derecho a un juicio penal pronto y expedito.

In this article, we explore moral considerations related to “radical pacifism” in the context of war. We analyze pacifism as opposition to organized armed conflict between states, excluding interpersonal conflicts or human violence in general. The topicality of the theme is underscored by the proliferation of armed conflicts and the threat of wars on a global scale, amplified by global risks such as climate change. We argue that war exacerbates existential risks, necessitating ethical reflection in favor of a radical pacifism that rejects not only the initiation of conflicts but also any form of involvement in them. Through a comparison with major ethical doctrines, we propose a set of philosophical perspectives for radical pacifism, also relating to issues of environmental ethics and intergenerational justice. The goal ultimately is not a historical or political analysis, but rather to show how, in moral terms, the case for radical pacifism has become increasingly compelling in the contemporary context.

The definition of individual liberty as the absence of coercion or violence (threatened or actual) includes a circularity problem. A look at prominent representatives of classical liberalism and libertarianism (Hayek, Rothbard, Hoppe, Jasay) reveals that this is typical of classical liberals as well as of libertarians, though the latter avoid a confusion of power and freedom. However, the respective definitions of individual liberty analysed here rest on the assumption that coercion (or violence) presupposes the absence of the (voluntary) agreement of the coerced party. Thus they use the definiendum in a modified form (voluntariness) as part of the definiens in order to define the definiendum. The resulting circle can be avoided by looking at coercion and freedom (non-coercion) as representatives of the class of two-level decisions (meta-decision and object-decision) with different costs on the meta-level. While coercion means that the coerced party has to face or faces artificial costs in case of a negative meta-decision, non-coercion (freedom) does not. As a conclusion we define freedom as the absence of artificial interference in the private sphere of another person that would produce artificial costs for that person if she/he opted for a negative meta-decision.

Книгата събира 16 интервюта с утвърдени русенски историци, резултат от срещите им със студенти от русенския университет. Разгърната е идеята за приноса на всеки от тях, за търсенето на извори и свидетелства, за разкриването на исторически събития, на които са присъствали, на теми, образи и места, които са ги вълнували. Книгата е елемент от историята на Русе и форма на диалог между поколенията.

This essay examines selected sentiments against Metaphysics by tracing different criticisms against metaphysics, and subsequently presents rebuttals against each antimetaphysics argument. Auguste Compte(1798-1857AD) is herein viewed as among the first philosophers to systematically critique metaphysics with an extrapolation towards positive epistemology or empirical Science. The essay further observes that systematic critique of metaphysics by Comte led to a vehement affirmation of Science by a group of thinkers known as Positivists and logical positivist. They constricted epistemology by classifying knowledge into analytic and synthetic. Any proposition outside the dichotomy of Analytics and Synthetic such as metaphysics is consequently labeled by them as 'meaningless' chatter. The essay also presents en passant the internal strife of a section of Metaphysicians who oppose traditional metaphysics by appealing to a more empirical metaphysics. The peak of antimetaphysics is d...

Lead Authors: Marco Bindi (Italy), Sally Brown (UK), Ines Camilloni (Argentina), Arona Diedhiou (Ivory Coast/Senegal), Riyanti Djalante (Japan/Indonesia), Kristie L. Ebi (USA), Francois Engelbrecht (South Africa), Joel Guiot (France), Yasuaki Hijioka (Japan), Shagun Mehrotra (USA/India), Antony Payne (UK), Sonia I. Seneviratne (Switzerland), Adelle Thomas (Bahamas), Rachel Warren (UK), Guangsheng Zhou (China)

Este ensayo aborda el tema del aborto desde una perspectiva filosófica especulativa, considerando su naturaleza polarizadora en la sociedad y su impacto en las relaciones interpersonales. Se exponen las posturas opuestas de dos facciones principales: la provida, que argumenta en favor del derecho a la vida desde la concepción, y quienes apoyan el aborto, considerando que cigotos, embriones y fetos no poseen personalidad jurídica ni derechos propios. A partir de estas posiciones, se analiza críticamente la fundamentación teórica que sostiene dichas afirmaciones. Este trabajo no pretende establecer un criterio ético definitivo, sino ofrecer una serie de reflexiones orientadas a problematizar el tema desde un enfoque filosófico más allá de la práctica tradicional.

La monografia, seguendo lo schema degli altri volumi della collana, si apre presentando il profilo biografico di Coase e collocandolo nel contesto storico-culturale di riferimento; seguono tre capitoli che ricostruiscono in ordine cronologico il pensiero partendo dalle opere e dai concetti che in esso hanno trovato fioritura (l'impresa, il mercato, il diritto), seguiti da un capitolo sull'influenza della sua figura sugli autori a lui contemporanei e sui posteri. Conclude una bibliografia completa delle opere. Il lettore troverà la lettura tutt'altro che noiosa, e rimarrà sorpreso dalla capacità dell'autore di avvicinarlo (anche nel caso sia la prima volta) alla vita e alle opere di Coase, all'interno di un percorso accademico che abbraccia praticamente tutto il Novecento (Coase morirà all'età di 102 anni). Ma, a rimanere impressa nella mente del lettore sarà quella consapevolezza che ha spinto Coase ad interessarsi soprattutto al mondo reale, e non a quello puramente matematico degli economisti, che è anche ciò che, a mio avviso, lo ha reso così grande. Eppure, come in molti casi della vita, il destino beffardo (nonostante ne abbia certamente e ampiamente premiato il merito), ha voluto che Coase venisse ricordato soprattutto per il teorema che porta il suo nome, il cui successo travolgente "si deve soprattutto all'astrazione di un mondo privo di costi di transazione" (p. 120).

In chapter 9 (Law) of his book Knowledge in a Social World (1999) Alvin I. Goldman conducts an insightful analysis of the nature of judicial process and defends two main theses. According to the first, truth (factual accuracy of judicial decisions) is (and ought to be) the central value in judicial process; according to the second, adversary process (characteristic for common law system) is a less effective mechanism of establishing facts (discovering truth) than quasi-inquisitorial process (characteristic for continental legal system). In this article both theses are confronted with the results of the research conducted within Law & Economics movement. The article defends the claim that whereas the first thesis of Goldman is, generally speaking, a correct one, even if it requires some modifications weakening its message, the second one raises serious doubts.

Çağdaş sanat ve sinemanın yolu, uzun zamandır çağdaş sanat sergilerinde kesişmektedir. Ruben Östlund, yönetmenliğini yaptığı ve 70. Cannes Film Festivali’nde En İyi Film kategorisinde Altın Palmiye ödülünü kazanan The Square (Kare, 2017) filminde, kamerasını bir çağdaş sanat müzesine ve onun şef küratörüne uzatarak, izleyicilerini çağdaş sanat dünyasına davet ederek, çağdaş sanat ortamını ve aktörlerini sinema salonuna taşımaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı, “Kare” filminde çağdaş sanat ortamının nasıl ele alınarak anlatıldığı dramatik yapıyı oluşturan unsurlar baz alınarak incelenmesidir. Bu doğrultuda çağdaş sanat üzerine yapılan tanımlamalar ve tartışmalar üzerine literatür taraması yapılarak, elde edilen bilgiler ile birlikte, filmde çağdaş sanat dünyasının işlenişi arasında bağlantılar kurularak, çağdaş sanat üzerine yapılan yorumlar ve yöneltilen eleştiriler ile filmin kesişme ve ayrışma noktaları olduğu tespit edilip ortaya konulmuştur.