Political Economy

programmers and web users? What is the cultural significance of Open APIs? By exploring these questions from both social and technical perspectives, this dissertation argues that Open APIs can be designed for the benefit of the programming community, but profit-seeking vendors restrict the openness of Open APIs to reinforce the commodification of data in contemporary Internet culture. This process reframes the meaning of the word ‗open' from its historical association with the Free and Open Source Software movements. Most popular Open APIs are vendor-dependant and thus facilitate the domination of Internet companies over the programming community, which could have a negative effect on the computing industry. Open APIs have their origin in private APIs. A private API, or internal API, is an interface to connect the function of different applications within one specific system for internal use, in effect reducing the cost and redundancy of transactions to improve efficiency. Programmers used private APIs long before the popularity of Open APIs, as far back as when Microsoft was developing Windows 3.1x, which was released in 1992 (Microsoft, 2014). The Windows APIs provide access to the fundamental resources or processes such as file systems or devices managed throughout the Windows operating system. Many resources or procedures involved in Windows were standardised through APIs, so programmers could integrate the many dimensions of Windows in order to gain extra functionality for their programs in a more convenient and efficient way

In the first part, the global economic crisis that began with the banking collapse of 2008 is attributed to the end of the system of money that dominated the last century, «national capitalism». This entails the break-up on «all-purpose money» or national monopoly currency and its replacement by a distributed global network of financial agencies issuing  specialized monetary instruments in many forms. The political challenge is to devise forms of government adequate to controlling money in this new form. But the old ideas persist to the detriment of finding effective solutions. The second part takes off from the recent publication of The Human Economy: A Citizen’s Guide (20100, an international collaboration that grew out of the «alter-globalization» movement. A human economy gives priority to what people really do and has the interests of humanity in mind. A programme for building a human economy in the current historical context is outlined; and the prospects for economic anthropology after the financial crisis are considered briefly in conclusion.

A partir de las reflexiones de Karl Menger sobre el método de las ciencias sociales, la Escuela Austriaca ha desarrollado una teoría sobre las organizaciones humanas, tanto sociales como empresariales, basada en la existencia de un conocimiento disperso y fragmentado entre todos los individuos que participan en ella. Tal situación ha obligado a definir mecanismos de gobernabilidad y de administración para la sociedad y para las empresas. El artículo se concentra en describir la naturaleza y posibilidades de gestión de las organizaciones empresariales de acuerdo con el pensamiento austriaco.

In 1881-1882, Marx undertook extensive historical studies, covering a large part of what was then known as "world history". The four large notebooks with excerpts from the works of (mainly) two leading historian of his time, Schlosser and Botta, have remained largely unpublished. In this article, Marx's last studies of the course of world history are contextualized: Marx's previous historical studies and his ongoing, but unfinished work on the critique of political economy. The range and scope of his notes is astoundingly broad, going far beyond European history and actually covering many other parts of the world. Marx's focus in these studies supports the interpretation offered in the article: that the author of "Capital" was fascinated by the long process of the making of the modern states and the European states system, one of the crucial prerequisites of the rise of modern capitalism in Europe. "The whole of history must be studied anew!" Friedrich Engels (1890) 1 1. See footnote 85 below.

Although the UK’s exit from the European Union – ‘Brexit’ – has overwhelmingly dominated the national political discourse since 2016 to the expense of nearly every other domestic issue, the policy agenda in the wake of this process is beginning to emerge. This paper examines this agenda, ostensibly supporting a programme of ‘levelling up’ which responds to the perceived root-causes of Brexit. In doing so, we consider the funding streams proposed by the UK Government – namely the Towns Fund, Shared Prosperity Fund and Levelling Up Funds – and examine the extent to which the rhetoric aligns with the reality of their allocation. In doing so, we also consider how, if at all, these schemes correspond to the European Structural Investment Funds (ESIF) they are intended to replace. This paper examines this period of change to consider how the Brexit process is mirroring, and indeed entrenching, these processes of uneven development. We find that the early indications suggest that the UK go...

The battle against climate change has placed decarbonised capitalism on the economic, political and social agenda. But the shift towards a regime of accumulation compatible with measures to mitigate climate change raises major issues regarding prosperity and power, on a human and political scale never previously entertained. The paper places climate change in the context of the dynamics of the system which caused that change, namely capitalism. The ecological crisis is one manifestation of the crisis gripping the present regime of accumulation, which has reached a financialised, globalised stage. This being the case, any attempt to halt climate change, far from being an environmental issue, must be seen as a problem for the development model of both North and South.

La perpetuation, specialement en Europe, des logiques liberales au sein des politiques economiques, deux annees apres la crise de 2008, peut surprendre. A cote d'une facon de " keynesianisme du desastre ", que l'on tente d'occulter ou d'abandonner, parce que le fetiche de la " reprise " semble paraitre ou que les dettes publiques semblent excessives desormais, les offensives visant a la reduction des spheres publiques ont repris de la vigueur. Le FMI reprend son role de syndic de la banque internationale et les velleites de reglementation de la finance sont presque oubliees. A la deflation du public s'ajoute l'amoindrissement du commun : comme jamais, les lieux du commun se reduisent a mesure que s'utilisent a l'exces les ressources naturelles et que se constatent les irreversibilites environnementales. Tel est, sans doute, le prix a payer pour que la croissance des pays " emergents " ranime le Capital defaillant. Sans do...

This article consists in outlining the Polanyi's project. He supports humanistic socialism and critizes strongly those who advocates the idea of centrally planned economy. Against popular marxism and mainstream economics, he tries also to clarify the place of economic determinations in history by using "substantive economy" concept : this is exemplified by the case of ancient Greece. Finaly, Polanyi criticisms has consequences for present time : as soon as for the 1940's, he warns against American capital hegemony that aims at taking up again the Big Market utopia.

Post World War II economic history can be thought of as evolving within two distinct
political-economic regimes. The high growth Golden Age was based on socially or politically ‘embedded’ domestic markets, government responsibility for aggregate demand growth, and state control over cross-border economic activity. It lasted until the early 1970s, to be replaced, after a decade of turbulence, by the Neoliberal Regime, built on deregulation, liberalization, privatization, and ever-tighter global integration. The Neoliberal Regime took root in the 1980s and consolidated in the 1990s. It has now been in place long enough to permit a preliminary analysis and evaluation of its economic performance.

As a British protectorate for almost one hundred years, it is only since full independence in 1984 that has seen the formation and development of modern Brunei diplomacy and foreign relations. Within the context of small state diplomacy, the chapter examines how the sultanate has managed its relations with the wider world over the last thirty-six years and current issues, such as the implications of regional geopolitical changes, the South China Sea and the relationship between Brunei’s economic diversification drive and foreign policy. Since independence membership of regional and international bodies, such as the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have been of fundamental to Brunei’s success as a small state. At the same time, strategic bilateral ties for both economic advantage and security have been central to Brunei international relations. Since 2011, stronger bilateral ties linked to economic diversification have been developed with China, which has become the largest financial investor in the sultanate. Particular attention is given to the rise of China and the related implications this has for Brunei and the ASEAN region.

The contrast between the two cases is well known: China's economic reforms were stunningly successful whereas those of Gorbachev failed. Moreover, his political reforms set in motion forces that he could not control, eventually bringing about the unintended end to communist rule and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Why this difference? Numerous variables are at issue. This paper focuses on the policies, strategies, and values of reformers and on opportunities to carry out economic reforms, which favored China but not the SU. A common explanation for the difference is that the leaders in both countries decoupled economic from political reform. China, it is said, implemented wide ranging economic reforms but not political reforms. In contrast, Gorbachev pursued increasingly radical political reforms, which ultimately destroyed the Soviet political system. Actually, both pursued economic reforms and both pursued political reforms. However, there is a vital distinction between two types of political reform, namely those undertaken within a framework of continued authoritarian rule and those that allow political liberalization (PL). This distinction defines the two cases. PL entails the dilution of the rulers' power in that independent social and political forces are permitted or are able to organize, and media are freed up to advocate views that can challenge the foundations of the existing system. PL falls short of full electoral democracy. It creates an unstable situation, since it inevitably leads to demands for further democratizing changes. Hence, rulers who have agreed to political liberalization come under increasing public pressure to go further. They face a choice: they must either crack down and restore dictatorial control or yield to popular and elite pressures for full democracy. In Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, the rulers eventually yielded to rising popular and elite pressures and sanctioned the transition. In contrast, authoritarian political reforms are undertaken by political elites determined to close off openings towards PL. They aim at rationalizing and improving the functioning of the political system. In the Chinese case, reformers sought to adapt it to the requirements of the gradually emerging market economy. In both the processes economic and political reform were intertwined, but the type of political reforms differed sharply.

Since the Reform Era began in 1998, a democratization process has taken place in Indonesia. By assessing the three elements of state, economy, and society, and the evolution of their interactions, this study concludes that Indonesia's contemporary political condition has been shaped by a continuously strong and dominant state, increased participation of society, and the adoption of the developmental state model. The state remains a dominant actor since a strong presence and role of the state continues to be sustained by the elites to maintain power. Society's demands to receive government assistance have deepened the state's role. While in the past the state was heavily supported by the military, today, the presence of the military within the democratic system has significantly diminished and been replaced by different economic actors. The elites are more dependent on support from society to remain in power and to implement policies that are generally achieved through economic incentives. Public participation appears in a majority of social, economic, and even political affairs, mainly to fulfill the requirement of being democratic. As for the economy, its role is becoming larger and has increasingly been used to replace the coercive power approach.

Since the Reform Era began in 1998, a democratization process has taken place in Indonesia. By assessing the three elements of state, economy, and society, and the evolution of their interactions, this study concludes that Indonesia's contemporary political condition has been shaped by a continuously strong and dominant state, increased participation of society, and the adoption of the developmental state model. The state remains a dominant actor since a strong presence and role of the state continues to be sustained by the elites to maintain power. Society's demands to receive government assistance have deepened the state's role. While in the past the state was heavily supported by the military, today, the presence of the military within the democratic system has significantly diminished and been replaced by different economic actors. The elites are more dependent on support from society to remain in power and to implement policies that are generally achieved through economic incentives. Public participation appears in a majority of social, economic, and even political affairs, mainly to fulfill the requirement of being democratic. As for the economy, its role is becoming larger and has increasingly been used to replace the coercive power approach.

Writing a dissertation tends to be a delicate matter if you do it in a field that is somewhat distant from your advisor's. It could even become a bit cumbersome if your topic also borders on other disciplines. Moreover, if your work treats issues that differ from those usually treated in this border region, you might very well be heading for trouble. An experienced and open-minded advisor could help you avoid most reefs in such murky waters. Lars Jonung has done this for me, in part by raising as nlany objections as possible to give me ample practice in countering them. He has always done this with a smile, which has helped me enjoy this challenging voyage. I was fortunate to have Tore Ellingsen as co-advisor. He helped me to improve the quality of my models and to sharpen the interpretations of my results. He also encouraged Lars to accept my work when my own arguments did not suffice. Erik Berglijf offered valuable guidance. He has also made economics of transition, a central field of this dissertation, an important discipline at the Stockholm School of Economics. Karl Wameryd taught me political economy and inspired me to do research in this field. Anders Aslund, my first advisor, introduced me to the fascinating topic of monetary reform in the former Soviet Union. He also gave me the opportunity to study the Russian reform process from within. Many other people have contributed to this thesis, of whom I will just mention a few. Orjan Sjoberg acted as an advisor during periods when I did not have one. Together with Sten Luthman, he also contributed to an environment where I learned much about the development in central and eastern Europe. Mats Karlsson gave me an opportunity to deepen my insights into policy making, and allowed me to develop my ideas in a new environment. Vadim Ivanov helped me during a research visit in Russia. Niclas Berggren encouraged my work in constitutional economics and introduced me to fora where I could meet experts in political economy. Gordon Tullock and Axel Leijonhufvud provided my academic life with some unexpected excitement, and my fellow PhD students kept me in good shape both fysically and intellectually. I would also like to thank the staff at SITE and the department of economics, in particular Britt-Marie Eisler, Pirjo Furtenbach, and Gun Malmquist, for helping me with numerous things over the years. I would fma1ly like to express my sincere gratitude for generous fmancial support provided by SITE. Co-funding provided by the Swedish Institute and Ollie and Elof Ericssons stiftelse is also appreciated. Even more important was the patient support from Ankita, and recently Alfred.

Writing a dissertation tends to be a delicate matter if you do it in a field that is somewhat distant from your advisor's. It could even become a bit cumbersome if your topic also borders on other disciplines. Moreover, if your work treats issues that differ from those usually treated in this border region, you might very well be heading for trouble. An experienced and open-minded advisor could help you avoid most reefs in such murky waters. Lars Jonung has done this for me, in part by raising as nlany objections as possible to give me ample practice in countering them. He has always done this with a smile, which has helped me enjoy this challenging voyage. I was fortunate to have Tore Ellingsen as co-advisor. He helped me to improve the quality of my models and to sharpen the interpretations of my results. He also encouraged Lars to accept my work when my own arguments did not suffice. Erik Berglijf offered valuable guidance. He has also made economics of transition, a central field of this dissertation, an important discipline at the Stockholm School of Economics. Karl Wameryd taught me political economy and inspired me to do research in this field. Anders Aslund, my first advisor, introduced me to the fascinating topic of monetary reform in the former Soviet Union. He also gave me the opportunity to study the Russian reform process from within. Many other people have contributed to this thesis, of whom I will just mention a few. Orjan Sjoberg acted as an advisor during periods when I did not have one. Together with Sten Luthman, he also contributed to an environment where I learned much about the development in central and eastern Europe. Mats Karlsson gave me an opportunity to deepen my insights into policy making, and allowed me to develop my ideas in a new environment. Vadim Ivanov helped me during a research visit in Russia. Niclas Berggren encouraged my work in constitutional economics and introduced me to fora where I could meet experts in political economy. Gordon Tullock and Axel Leijonhufvud provided my academic life with some unexpected excitement, and my fellow PhD students kept me in good shape both fysically and intellectually. I would also like to thank the staff at SITE and the department of economics, in particular Britt-Marie Eisler, Pirjo Furtenbach, and Gun Malmquist, for helping me with numerous things over the years. I would fma1ly like to express my sincere gratitude for generous fmancial support provided by SITE. Co-funding provided by the Swedish Institute and Ollie and Elof Ericssons stiftelse is also appreciated. Even more important was the patient support from Ankita, and recently Alfred.

What is Africa's place in China's global geo-strategy, or does it have one? China's engagements with the continent have increased markedly in recent decades but does it occupy a central or peripheral role in China's grand strategy? Recently, there have been debates about whether China has such a strategy, but we argue that part of the confusion around these issues arises from the distinctive nature of that state and the forms of loose coordination it operationalizes. Rather than a strictly defined 'grand strategy', China has a grand, strategic-relational approach to its foreign policy or operates a relational geopolitical code which nonetheless reflects core interests. We bring this perspective to bear on Africa's evolving positionality in China's global geostrategic engagements in order to evaluate its significance.

Historically, football 1 experts' predictions 2 were the only method of predicting the outcomes of championships. Former players, coaches, and nearly all fans have tried their hand at it. And most of these predictions were wrong, since subjective desires and prevailing public opinions always played a major role. In the meantime, however, reliable methods are being used to make scientific predictions. And the methods utilized are becoming more and more complex. 3

This paper is an assessment of the impacts and ramifications of International Criminal Organizations (ICOs) as they evolve into a contemporary organized industry in the globalizing arena. The ongoing shift of corporations moving from the national to the global stage has generally overlooked the resulting emergence of a single international market for ICOs. It is a truism that the state, as a result of this trend, has been compelled to yield significant authority over its sovereign domains, thus resulting in power shift from it to private actors. In this new international order, multinational corporations (MNCs) have remained the symbol of a globalizing world; but there are two other types of actors that are important but less recognized: ICOs and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The thrust of this paper is on ICOs and their operations in Africa. Our substantive argument is that ICOs in Africa exhibit the same characteristics as those operating in other continents. They are all motivated by economic goals, and strive to attain them through the use technology, violence, coercion, intimidation, bribery and corruption, and cooperation to shape their political environment so as to diminish their need to compete in the international market.

A primary goal of Brexit supporters was the end of EU supervision of UK laws and the reestablishment of full UK sovereignty over all aspects of its legislative and administrative capacity. National sovereignty may, however, be compromised by international treaties in which the UK agrees to constrain the exercise of its sovereignty to gain benefits from its treaty partners and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement governing the post-Brexit relationship between the UK and EU is no exception. In particular, the Agreement appeared to impose four constraints on UK sovereignty in respect of its income tax system. A closer examination of the restrictive articles, however, suggests that three of the measures may have negligible practical impact on UK law-making powers. In contrast, the fourth measure preventing the UK from adopting concessionary tax measures that would amount to 'state aid' in EU terminology appears to have a direct impact on UK tax sovereignty. Its impact may be blunted, however, from seemingly incomplete or ineffective enforcement remedies. The final result may be a treaty that appears to constrain UK tax sovereignty and provides the EU with continuing authority to monitor UK tax law and administration, but which has little scope for practical impact.

This study examines the impact of corruption on economic policies and development in Nigeria, with a particular focus on leadership accountability from 1960 to 2024. Despite Nigeria's vast resources and economic potential, corruption has significantly undermined economic growth, weakened policy implementation, and diminished public trust in governance. Using a historical and analytical approach, this research traces the evolution of corruption in Nigerian leadership, analyzing how various administrations have contributed to or combated corrupt practices. By examining key economic policies and development programs, the study explores the extent to which corruption has distorted economic objectives, inhibited foreign investment, and led to uneven wealth distribution. Through qualitative and quantitative data, this analysis reveals the structural challenges posed by corruption and highlights instances where accountability mechanisms have succeeded or failed. The findings underscore the urgent need for stronger institutional reforms, transparent governance, and effective policy enforcement to foster sustainable development and economic stability in Nigeria.

Fırat Demir Department of Economics University of Oklahoma Hester Hall, 729 Elm Avenue Norman, OK USA 73019 E-mail: fdemir@ou.edu Tel: 1-405-325-5844 ... Nilgun Erdem Department of Public Finance Faculty of Political Sciences Ankara University 06590 Cebeci-Ankara, ...

Political economy aspects make progressive income taxation and taxation of capital income imperative in practise. International tax competition and profit shifting, in turn, put pressure on corporate and capital taxes. Hence, the scope for a politically feasible change-over to a status of improved taxation is little. We provide an extended dynamic general equilibrium model and analyze politically feasible recent reform proposals referring neutrality. We then propose an alternative tax reform that, in contrast to these proposals, guarantees even growth neutrality, without necessarily jeopardizing political feasibility.

The paper presents a political economy model linking terror and governments' respect for human rights. Using panel data for 111 countries over the period 1973-2002, we then empirically analyze whether and to what extent terror affects human rights -measured by three indices covering a wide variety of human rights aspects. According to our results, terror substantially diminishes governments' respect for basic human rights such as absence of extrajudicial killings, political imprisonment, and torture. To some extent, civil rights are also restricted as a consequence of terrorism, while we find no effect of terrorism on empowerment rights.

Ethiopia's decision to open its banking sector to foreign banks represents a major economic shift, expected to boost competition and enhance service quality. Foreign banks can expand financial inclusion and bring in advanced technologies, supporting digital commerce through systems like MasterCard and PayPal. Their entry may also impact the Ethiopian Birr, interest rates, and macroeconomic policies. Drawing lessons from other African countries, the paper explores both opportunities-such as stronger financial infrastructure and global market access-and challenges, including regulatory control and national sovereignty. The study offers a balanced view on how this move can drive growth and digital entrepreneurship.

Kitabinin yazari Herbert Spencer, “The Man Versus The State” eserini 1884 yilinda yayinlar. Liberal bir sosyolog olan Spencer, devletin cebri duzenlemeler ile liberal ideolojinin disina ciktigini ve klasik liberalizmden uzaklasan modern liberalizmin yaklasan yeni bir tur sosyalizm ve kolelige donusturuldugunu iddia eder. Bu baglamda analiz ve degerlendirme konusu yaptigimiz ilgili calisma, eserin konu ve icerik dizilimi esas alinarak basliklar halinde irdelenmistir. Eserin politik ve hukuki, sosyal ve ahlaki sahalarda guncelligini hala koruyan paradigmatik meselelere yapmis oldugu cozumleyici katki eserin onemini korumasini saglamaktadir.

Bread was one ofthe pillars ofancient Eg)?tian diet tkoughout Pharaonic timcs. It sustarned rhi prF:l:.3 bul its role went far beyond nutrition. Because ofits central role as a foodstuff. bread was a ke) coc-N::-r -x the ancient economy, it played a role in social relations, it was a focus in religious and funem4 nrusl: ]:; :F-jil]c forms were used in medicines. Bread and baking are therefore importalt topics ofstudy for Eg}}i.--';:'-'

For 20 years leading up to the uprisings of 2010-2011, Egypt and Tunisia suffered the ill effects of neoliberal economic reform, even as the international financial institutions and most economists hailed them as beacons of progress in the Arab world. For the preceding ten years, workers and civil society organizations led a burgeoning protest movement against the liberalizing and privatizing trajectories of the Mubarak and Ben Ali regimes. Then came the uprisings, which brokered the possibility of not only new political beginnings but also alternative economic programs that would put the needs of the struggling middle, working and poorer classes first and at least constrain, if not abolish, the privileges of a deposed ruling class. In Egypt, labor activists, journalists, NGO researchers and even a few government officials and capitalists eagerly shared their ideas for what should come next. 1 Their visions fell into four broad categories, from left to right: citizen-led social democracy, democratic state-led development, top-down state-led development and return to the status quo ante. The citizen-led proposals were not based on any particular ideology, but were thoughtful and became increasingly detailed even as the arena for frank public discussion shrank. These proposals could form an integrated people's program if there were a democratic elected government in Egypt committed to carrying them out. In Tunisia, democracy is muddling through with leadership inherited from the old regime, with many good ideas for economic change percolating upward, as in Egypt, but no coherent vision for how to construct a progressive alternative. In both cases, the default setting is the restoration of neoliberalism with an inclusive mask. Labor's resistance to privatization and liberalization had been surging over a decade prior to the Egyptian uprising of January 2011, coming in waves that rose to tsunami level just as the more middle-class, but equally militant, political movement came to a head with the occupation of Tahrir Square. But neither the military government that took over after Husni Mubarak's overthrow nor the government of elected President Muhammad Mursi was responsive to the needs of labor or the "occupy" movement, and street and workplace action resurged in 2012 and 2013. After a lull around the buildup of the Tamarrud movement and the military's ouster of Mursi, labor actions began to mount again. Amid 1,420 protests in the first three months of 2014, involving at least 100,000 workers across many services and industries, Prime Minister Ibrahim Mahlab's government was at loggerheads with the labor movement. After another low ebb during the presidential election, the protest wave crested again when the new government refused to consider labor's demands. There were 94 labor protests in October and 111 in November of 2014. In response, the minister of manpower, Nahid al-'Ashri, backed by the prime minister, accused independent trade unions of being "the largest problem in the labor market, as they…hinder work, leading to the deterioration of the Egyptian economy."

Childhood as spectacle: relays of anxiety and the reconfiguration of the child. Cultural Geographies, 15(5), 5-17. Katz, C. (2011). Accumulation, excess, childhood: Toward a Countertopography of risk and waste. Documents D'anàlisi Geogràfica, 57(1), 47-60.

The following chapters attempt to develop some working theories to combat capitalist exploitation and racist and gendered oppression in the university, culminating in a call for the abolition of the university's administrative apparatus. The project is divided broadly into two parts, which are referential to each other, but maintain slightly different areas of focus. Part 1 details a preliminary critique of the political-economy of the contemporary neoliberal university, drawing influence from Marxian economics and structuralist theories of ideology, critiquing contemporary discourses of diversity, equity and inclusivity (DEI). Part 2 focuses more directly on issues pertaining to oppression and difference, maintaining a predominantly Marxist critique which situates racism and patriarchy as co-constitutive of capitalist social relations. The project's conclusion, seeks to join the theoretical developments of Parts 1 and 2 into a singular political mission: abolition.

The existing literature widely addresses countries' specific challenges and priorities in achieving sustainable development goals (SDGs). However, these efforts mostly remain either global-generalist or local-narrower scales, containing a big gap for the studies holistically exploring the issue through geographic and economic scales in a global manner. Aiming to provide a contribution to bridging the gap, this study presents a holistic approach by conducting a multi-scaled content analysis on voluntary national reviews (VNRs) of 188 countries, delivering comparative research on global, geographic, and economic challenges and priorities of their SDGs achievement. The prominent findings indicate that global and economic groups' challenges are clustered around poverty and crises, accounting for more than 60%, while the leading priorities include education, strong governance, and source protection within the same range. In all geographic classifications, over 50% of countries identify the challenges as crises, poverty, and climate change, and verbalize priorities as governance, source protection, education, and climate change. The findings advise policymakers to consider and prioritize geographical differences in SDGs analyses. While climate change is a common priority across all geographic and economic scales, policymakers should focus on strategies based on governance and local needs on a geographic scale rather than an economic one. For governments, lack of data and inadequate reporting initiatives are vital challenges in policymaking and international cooperation. These issues necessitate more effective monitoring of SDGs achievement processes and adaptation to local contexts.

We study the effect of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict on various education outcomes for Palestinian high school students in the West Bank during the Second Intifada (2000–2006). Exploiting within-school variation in the number of conflict-related Palestinian fatalities during the academic year, we show that the conflict reduces the probability of passing the final exam, the total test score, and the probability of being admitted to university. The effect of conflict varies with the type and the timing of the violent events the student is exposed to and it is not significant for students in the upper tail of the test score distribution. We discuss various possible transmission mechanisms explaining our main result. Evidence suggests a role for both the conflict-induced deterioration of school infrastructures and the worsening in the student's psychological well-being due to direct exposure to violent events.

This paper analyzes the dynamics and challenges of the movement of a Legal Aid NGO (LANGO) in Indonesia in advocating for the rights of the weak, poor, and marginalized to gain access to justice during two decades of reform. Through historical, sociological, and political insights, this paper reveals the discursive narrative of neoliberal governmentality for the last twenty years. This study uses a qualitative method, with data collection techniques of observation, documentation, and in-depth interviews with three informants from Legal Aid NGO. Using the Foucaultian analytical framework, this study finds that neoliberal governance has shaped LANGO as a managerial subject that implicitly and obediently promotes the discourse and practice of neoliberal rationality. But on the other hand, LANGO becomes an administrative subject resistant to neoliberal rationality by performing several maneuvers and tactics: promotion, contextual adaptation, avoidance/avoidance, and rejection. This contradiction and ambivalence become a severe challenge for LANGO in realizing equal access to justice for the marginalized and vulnerable in Indonesia.

The research examines whether organised food retail formats contribute to the formation of urban inequalities and if this is the case to see how this contribution is realised. Conventional approaches are found only to produce partial explanations and the research thus followed a Marxist methodology. With this comprehensive and also critical approach, it aims to first contextualise retail activities within the broader system of capitalist political economy and within the urbanisation process and investigates how inequalities are transferred between these systems. Initial researches suggested that the capitalist system, urbanisation process and retail production processes are tightly linked to each other. Further, inequalities created in the production processes are reflected in the urbanisation process. The research focuses on some particular elements to empirically test the theoretical findings in the neo-liberal era. The case of organised food retailers is taken as an exemplar acti...

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A pandemia da Covid-19, iniciada nos mercados da província de Wuhan, na China, denuncia diariamente uma crise política, econômica e social sem precedentes no Brasil e no mundo. Nesse contexto, este estudo objetiva apresentar uma análise do discurso político e ideológico -através dos jornais brasileiros -que circunda o enfrentamento da pandemia, partindo do pressuposto de defesa dos direitos sociais fundamentais por meio de um posicionamento jurídico e doutrinário centrado na importância das políticas públicas. Seguindo esses ditames, surgem muitas indagações, com destaque para o problema que diz respeito ao fato de as políticas públicas serem (ou não) mecanismos eficazes de proteção e garantia dos direitos sociais fundamentais, no sentido de estabelecer um equilíbrio entre a retomada da economia e a preservação da saúde e da vida. Assim, o estudo proposto constitui-se em uma revisão bibliográfica que utilizou doutrinas e jornais brasileiros impressos, baseando-se no método dialético. Verificou-se que a politização dos debates que envolvem as implicações da pandemia, no que concerne ao respeito à vida e à retomada da economia, indica um posicionamento convergente no sentido de que se deve buscar políticas públicas de enfrentamento da Covid-19, protegendo direitos sociais fundamentais, como a vida, a saúde e, igualmente, o trabalho e a renda.

This study aims to analyze the influence of macro economy between composite stock prices index. The dependent variable in this study was represented by the composite stock price index, while the independent variables consist of exchange rate, interest rate, inflation and oil price. The sampling used in this research observation period were 6 years during 2010-2015, then the data was analyzed by Multiple Linear Regression Test. The results of this study indicate that there were three variables that affect the composite stock price index, it’s a exchange rate, interest rate and oil prices, while inflation have no effect on composite stock price index. Anova test result indicates exchange rate, interest rate, inflation and oil price simultaneously influence the composite stock price index. The test result show that these variables have significant positive impact on stock prices, i.e 0,000.

When Russia launched mass privatization, it was widely believed that it would create a powerful constituency for the rule of law. That didn't happen. We present a dynamic equilibrium model of the political demand for the rule of law and show that beneficiaries of mass privatization may fail to demand the rule of law even if it is the Pareto efficient "rule of the game." The reason is that uncertainty about the legal regime can lead to asset stripping, and stripping can give agents an interest in prolonging the absence of the rule of law.