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2022
A long list of German Protestant Reformers had their lives disrupted and their careers threatened by the so-called Augsburg Interim (1548-52), Emperor Charles V's attmept to restore religious unity to Germany by the forceful imposition of a slightly modified versionof Catholicism on the cities and principalities that had adhered to the Reformation. This essay focuses on the role of Johannes Brenz in the passive resistance to the Interim and its effective subversion in the duchy of Württemerg. But in so doing it compares and contrasts Brenz's experience in Württemberg with the significantly different experience of his friend, Philip Melanchthon, in Saxony.
Historical Journal, 1984
The essays in this volume, written over the span of five decades, are in most cases an exploration of the often unrecognized or poorly understood relationships among four reformers who were advocates of governmental responsibility for religious reform: Erasmus of Rotterdam, Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, and Johannes Brenz. Erasmus's long suspected but little investigated influence on the first generation of Protestant reformers is clearly documented in the cases of Philip Melanchthon and Johannes Brenz, both of whom made adroit use of Erasmian arguments, in conjunction with ideas taken from Luther, in their early appeals for government support of reform (1519-1530). Meanwhile, Luther himself, unwilling to concede to secular authority as such any responsibility in spiritual matters, had to address his appeals to Christian secular rulers in their capacity as participants in the priesthood of all believers who had a special obligation to come to the aid of the church in an emergency. Then, starting in 1530, Luther, Melanchthon, and Bremz, faced with potent criticism from Radicals, Spiritualists, and other religious dissidents who denied the right of Protestant rulers to impose religious orthodoxy, had to rethink and adapt their arguments.
Histoire Sociale Social History, 1982
The three books reviewed here are addressed principally to the political and social history of German cities in the sixteenth century. The first is a collection of articles presenting some impressive new work on the political context for religious and ecclesiastical changes during the Reformation. The Brady and Eiler volumes are monographs, the former focused on the issues raised in the Mommsen anthology and both reflecting analytical perspectives significant for current research in German social and urban history. All three demonstrate how intelligently local case studies are being used today to elucidate major historical problems.
It was never published as an article, but it is, I think, a useful summary of an interesting aspect of the struggle of the German reformers to achieve an appropriate system of governance for churches that, having thrown off the authority of the Catholic bishops, depended on the support and protection of secular rulers for their survival. In order not to exceed my allotted time at the meeting in San Antonio, I omitted discussion of certain matters, the knowledge of which on the part of the audience I was able to take for granted. I have used the notes to fill in at least the most important of those gaps.] 1 Bishops: what are they? what are they supposed to do? what options does one have if they don't do it do it? are bishops really necessary? These were questions that confronted the German reformers during the entire period from the posting of the Ninety-Five Theses in 1517 to the proclamation of the Religious Peace of Augsburg in 1555 and even beyond. My interest in Philip Melanchthon's answers to these questions was sparked by the assertion of no less an authority than Heinz Scheible that for Melanchthon "the maintenance of the [existing] episcopal
Routledge eBooks, 2015
The Catholic Historical Review, 2008
The Journal of Modern History, 2013
2009
A The impressive discussion of the German urban reformation, in which American scholars have participated with admirable pieces of research, focuses on the south and southwest German imperial cities. North and northwest German towns have not attracted a similar interest from Reformation historians. At least subconsciously there seemed to exist a common opinion that the bright light of the non-authoritarian elements of the Reformation could not appear in the cloudy and misty districts of the North, that they could reach their ultimate splendor only in the cultivated, intellectually more lively urban centers of the South. The Reformation as "an urban event" took place south of the river Main. The North appears in the famous book of Bernd Moeller and in Professor Dickens's excellent synopsis The German Reformation and Martin Luther as "slow-moving areas," slow moving because there was a lack of burghers' commitment to Reformation ideas and consequently an absence of the dynamics of urban reformation.' Especially in the Westphalian towns the Reformation-as Professor Dickens says-"began late and made slow progress; moreover, it seems to have been less a religious than a democratic and social movement." These movements were often initiated by anticlericalism, which was "at the bottom economic, not religious."' In Bernd Moeller's early interpretation, the cities in the North were rather marginal because in his opinion they were intellectually and culturally far less lively than the South German cities and less prepared for the new religious message. As in the territorial towns in general, in the Hanseatic Cities "the new movement could only rise with the permission of the princes."3 The main defects of the territorial cities that excluded them from urban Reformation movements of the imperial city type were, according to Moeller, the lack of external political autonomy and of communal institutions in their domestic structure. * Slightly revised version of the paper read at the Seventeenth International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1982. In correspondence with the character of the paper, I have added only a few notes with reference to recent books and articles, most of them with full bibliography or bibliographic annotations. I wish to thank Professors Scott Hendrix and Robert Kolb for editorial help. 'A. G. Dickens, The German Nation and Martin Luther, 2. ed. (London: Fontana, 1976), p. 161. 2Ibid., p. 161ff. Cf. my remark on this opinion: H. Schilling, "Die politische Elite nordwestdeutscher Stadte in den religibsen Auseinandersetzungen des 16. Jahrhunderts," in W. Mommsen, ed. Stadtbiirgertum und Adel in der Reformation, (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1979), pp. 235-308, here p. 244, note 17. A modern version of the one-sided interpretation of the Westphalian towns' reformation is given by A.
Central European History, 2016
Bireley compellingly presents Ferdinand's adoption of and adherence to the Edict of Restitution as his great political mistake. It stirred up opposition from the German Protestant estates and cost Ferdinand a crucial ally in John George, the Lutheran elector of Saxony. At the Electoral Convention in 1630, the Catholic estates supported Ferdinand and the Edict. The confessional division thwarted Ferdinand's aim of restoring peace to the empire, the war continued, and the invasion in 1630 by King Gustaus Adolphus at the head of a Swedish army reversed previous imperial successes in the war. The Peace of Prague (1635) signalled Ferdinand's abandonment of the Edict of Restitution: "it amounted to a significant achievement for Ferdinand and a major shift in his thinking," and was "a milestone in German history" because it allowed Catholic and Protestant armies to combine forces, thus "greatly reduc[ing] the religious nature of the war" (290). Ferdinand accepted the Protestant acquisition of ecclesiastical property after 1555, but he pressed his claim to make Habsburg Austria and Bohemia Catholic. He remained a Counter-Reformation ruler, but his Catholic politics were territorially circumscribed. Bireley's biography reveals the struggle between principle and pragmatism in imperial politics. It underlines for students and scholars alike the historical significance of Ferdinand II. Thanks to this study, they can now better appreciate Ferdinand's place in imperial and Austrian history, as well as his role in the Thirty Years War.
The Catholic Historical Review, 2002
Deux mille ans d'histoire de l'eT glise. Bilan et perspectives historiographiques. Edited by J. Pirotte and E. Louchez. Pp. . (Revue d'histoire eccle! siastique, , .) (). Louvain-la-Neuve : Louvain University Press. JEH () ; DOI : .\S The centenary of a great learned journal, a notable event both for individual readers and for libraries, is proper matter for a deep salute to the twin universities of Leuven\Louvain. This special volume celebrating the RHE contains thirtynine papers on selected problems in the two millennia of past Christian history. A discernible emphasis lies on the sense of tension between traditional conservative catholic theology and the assumptions of modernity. Some good essays on hagiography include an admirable stress on the scholarly achievements of the Bollandists, especially (but not only) Hippolyte Delehaye, who broke new ground by applying strict historical method to texts which, even when far from being sober and dry records, could often contain social history of high value. Mathlijs Lamberigts contributes a major paper on the modern rehabilitation of Pelagius, whose ' ism ' was largely a construct of his opponents and who found considerable sympathy in the Greek Churches. W. Frijhoff comments on rationalist histories of sorcery and demon possession. Two sections discuss the delicate topic of church authority, including a sympathetic piece by Bruno Neveu on the treatment of Jansenism, the problems of recruiting clergy and religious in western Europe, and the rise of an audible voice on the part of women and Catholic laity. Ecumenism, particularly Catholic-Orthodox dialogue, is handled perhaps more nervously but has developed a convincing method and offers a good process of education for those Catholics and Protestants to whom ecumenism is a polite term for treachery. J. A. Komonchak has here a candid piece on religious freedom and the confessional state. Emile Poulat, expert on Loisy and Modernism, reconsiders some of the lasting problems. Finally, the grand master Roger Aubert concludes the collection, analysing the distinct assumptions of those who think church history no branch of theology but only of history. The point is perhaps worth making here that theology has not only had but retains a decisive role in the formation of the central narrative.
This essay asks the question, is it useful to approach the Reformation as a phase in a linear chronology, a movement away from the Middle Ages? On the example of Matthias Flacius Illyricus and the formation of Lutheran identity in the third quarter of the sixteenth century, I argue that Protestants had a vested interest in the continuity of their beliefs with medieval thought and culture. The familiar idea of a medieval-Reformation rupture is largely an invention of the nineteenth century. The research of recent decades, which I survey, has shown the limitations of this idea. I conclude with a proposal for seeing cultural change within multiple, overlapping chronologies.
The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 2015
Central European History, 2004
In: Church and State in Old and New Worlds, ed. Hilary M. Carey and John Gascoigne (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 77-98.
Historical Studies on Central Europe 3. No. 1, pp. 238-241, 2023
Review of the volume Biographies of a Reformation. Religious Change and Confessional Coexistence in Upper Lusatia, c. 1520–1635
Concordia Journal, 1987
In 1983, Lutherans throughout the world observed the five-hundredth anniversary of Martin Luther's birth. By all kinds of celebrations they acknowledged their debt to this individual whose reforming efforts centuries ago have continued to have such a significant influence on the theology, polity, worship life and piety of their churches. In the same year, many scholars, both Lutheran and non-Lutheran alike, also gathered together at academic conferences to examine the historical impact of Luther on the development of various dimensions of western cultural and social life. For many of these historians, the primary issue to be considered in that anniversary year was whether the Reformation movement which Luther initiated significantly changed European society. On the surface it seems incredible to question the claim that the Lutheran Reformation was an important development in western religious life, but there are historians today who have, in fact, doubted this traditional assumption. During the past decade, Gerald Strauss of the University of Indiana has attracted considerable attention by claiming to have shown that the Lutheran Reformation was a failure. By this he means that it made no deep impact on the population at large. Its message, he argues, was of interest only to a few in society. The following quotes summarize Strauss's conclusions: "The Reformation aroused no widespread, meaningful and lasting response to its message"; and "An attitude of utter indifference prevailed toward the established religion, its teachings, its sacraments, and its ministers." 2 This article evaluates his thesis.
The American Historical Review, 1994
2023
We think of the Reformation, Martin Luther is emblazoned in our minds, as stark as the 95 theses he nailed on the doors of Castle Church in Wittenberg, Germany. Less known to many Christians, however, is Luther’s close associate, friend, and spiritual son, Philip Melanchthon. This other German Reformer’s name seems a distant second compared to the likes of Luther, to the point that Melanchthon has been referred to as the “forgotten Reformer” (given his historical obscurity) and the “quiet Reformer” (since he was more temperamentally subdued compared to the boisterous Luther). Our Christian heritage would be poorer without the great contributions of Melanchthon. In this paper, I will briefly trace Melanchthon’s biography and especially consider the factors that led to his involvement with the Reformation. We can learn greatly from his example as we discover how he was not merely playing “second fiddle” to Luther but was first rate in his giftedness and his contributions toward the advancement of the gospel in Germany and beyond.
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