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1989
Terrorism and Political Violence, 2021
a n n a l s o f c o m m u n i s m Each volume in the series Annals of Communism will publish selected and previously inaccessible documents from former Soviet state and party archives in a narrative that develops a particular topic in the history of Soviet and international communism. Separate English and Russian editions will be prepared. Russian and American scholars work together to prepare the documents for each volume. Documents are chosen not for their support of any single interpretation but for their particular historical importance or their general value in deepening understanding and facilitating discussion. The volumes are designed to be useful to students, scholars, and interested general readers.
THE TWO EDWARDS, 2018
At the turn of the 20 th century, British leaders came to a decision, not for the first time, to confront a newcomer and perceived challenger to their accustomed world hegemony. The fateful decision that would lead to two world wars was the latest in a longstanding British tradition of preserving dominance in Europe by aligning the weaker powers against the strongest.1 Euphemistically referred to as "balance-of-power", this tradition has been described many times, many ways, by Britain's own diplomats, politicians, and statesmen. Colonel William Robertson of the British War Office Intelligence Department has stated the case as well as any:
Incorporates a variety of political, social, cultural and economic factors and establishes solid links between ideas and action, ideology and political behavior.' Carole Fink, Ohio State University 'A wide-ranging survey covering the whole period from the French Revolution to the present day.' M.S.Anderson, Emeritus Professor, University of London
Revolutionary Russia, 2018
2014
However, they also argued that in exceptional periods, such as under Bonapartism, the state was able to achieve both an extreme degree of independence from society as a whole and simultaneously a large measure of autonomy from the dominant economic class. 23 Trotsky, Challenge (1923, 128. 24 "Theoretical crisis" is used here in the sense employed by Thomas Kuhn. According to Kuhn, crises generally emerge in response to the growing recognition of anomalies or counter-instances to the existing paradigm. If these anomalies call into question explicit and fundamental generalizations of the paradigm, or if they persist over a long period, scientists respond by devising numerous articulations and ad hoc modifications to the theory. If the anomaly continues to resist resolution, this may result in the proliferation of competing articulations of the paradigm, and the blurring of the paradigms rules. [Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2 nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 77-91.]
from 1929 to 1940, no voice could be raised against Stalin in the U.S.S.R.; and not even an echo could be heard of the earlier intense struggles, except in the grovelling confessions of guilt to which so many of Stalin's adversaries had been reduced. Consequently, Trotsky appeared to stand quite alone against Stalin's autocracy. It was as if a huge historic conflict had become compressed into a controversy and feud between two men. The biographer has had to show how this had come about and to delve into the complete circumstances and relationships which, while enabling Stalin to 'strut about in the hero's garb', made Trotsky into the symbol and sole mouthpiece of opposition to Stalinism. Together, therefore, with the facts of Trotsky's life, I have had to narrate the tremendous social and political events of the period: the turmoil of industrialization and collectivization in the U.S.S.R, and the Great Purges; the collapse of the German and European labor movements under the onslaught of Nazism; and the outbreak of the Second World War.
Balcanica
The relations between Tito and Togliatti and their respective parties were conditioned by the omnipresent influence that Communist party of Soviet Union had on both partners. During the period of Stalin?s rule, the Italian communist were staunch Stalinists, thus Tito?s split with Stalin and the issue of Trieste were the main obstacles in bilateral relations. Khrushchev?s destalinization process opened new possibilities for inter party relations across the Adriatic, which however continued to be conditioned by the strategy of their Soviet comrades. Khrushchev?s lessening of the control over ?sister? parties give more space for Italians to learn more about Yugoslav path to communism. Nevertheless, the PCI continued to follow the Moscow line, while PCY looked to create its own based on nonaligned movement and self-management, which continued to be closely watched but not applied by PCI during Togliatti?s time in office.
Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2021
The Left was represented by various currents that have historically been very aggressive towards each other because they used different tactics and strategies to achieve socialism. Like many intellectuals, revolutionary leftists did not get along with each other very often. Since the inception of Marxism, which is the doctrine of communism-an extreme and distinctive flavor of socialism-the far Left has portrayed adherents of less revolutionary ideologies as enemies of the working people. The followers of evolutionary socialism-the Social Democrats-were accused by the communists of betraying the proletariat. Non-Marxist currents of socialism, such as Fascism and National Socialism, were excluded from the socialist camp and put on the right wing by Marxist-Leninist propaganda. Stalinist political science became a benchmark that set markers to distinguish between the genuine Left and the Right. This article shows the origin and historical background of the artificial shift of Fascism and National Socialism to the right side of the political spectrum.
Revolutionary Russia 29:1 (2016): 1-27.
Jenö Varga became Stalin's preferred economist in the 1930s. His book "Two Systems" publidhrf in the US was an apology of communist achievements in the USSR in comparision with the crisis-ridden capitalist economies.
1989
In view of the incredibly widespread nature of the distortions of Marxism, our first task is to restore the true doctrine of Marx." Lenin, The State and Revolution 6 ences among, and class differentiations within, the third-world countries. 8. We use "West" and "East" to denote the blocs of (mainly) Euro pean and North American countries allied, respectively, to the United States and the Soviet Union after World War II. Among the geographical oddities that result is that Japan, Australia and New Zealand belong to the "West." As well, "American" will sometimes refer to the United States alone when this meaning is clear from the context. 9. "Proletariat" as used here is synonymous with working class; "bourgeoisie" means the capitalist class of the traditional capitalist societies. The "petty bourgeoisie" is the class of small capitalists, including peasants, who employ little or no non-family labor. Whereas the "middle class" means not the bourgeoisie, as it did in Marx's day, but the various layers of professionals, ideologists, bureaucrats, managers and supervisors described in later chapters. February 1990 24 MODES OF EXPLOITATION Capital opens with this brief paragraph: "The wealth of those societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails presents itself as 'an immense collection of commodities,' its unit being the single commodity. Our investigation must therefore begin with the analysis of a commodity." 1 Marx begins his analysis with commodities, and for many Marxists that is where it ends. The clue to Marx's real meaning, however, is in the wording presents itself-or in an alternative English translation, appears. Marx used such terms deliberately, to distinguish between appearance and essence. His volumes of economic work are devoted to exploring the reality beneath the appearance. The determining factor of capitalism is not simply the existence of commodities but rather the commodification of labor. This defines the system's specific mode of exploitation, the way the ruling class appropriates the surplus product created by the producers. To see that this was Marx's view, we first note that the key to any society lies in the struggle between its ruling and producing classes. Thus the Communist Manifesto begins: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman-in a word, oppressor and oppressed-stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open, fight, a fight that each time ended either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large or in the common ruin of the contending classes." The main battlefield of the class struggle is the surplus product. What distinguishes one form of society from another is the way in which the ruling class exploits the producing class; that is, the way the surplus product is appropriated: "The essential difference between the various economic social formations, between for instance, a society based on slave labor and one based on wage labor, lies only in the mode in which this surplus labor is in each case extracted from the actual producer." 2 Near the end of Capital Marx outlines the full significance of the difference between modes of exploitation: "The specific economic form in which unpaid surplus labor is pumped out of the direct producers determines the relationship of rulers and ruled, as it grows directly out of production itself and in turn reacts ____________________
Iskra Books , 2024
Another remarkable work from Torkil Lauesen. At a time when capitalism spells the doom of man and nature, this book addresses the difficulties and necessity of socialist transformation. Its message is that the fight for universal emancipation is long, yet delay is a crime. Essential reading to anyone wishing to understand the ascent of socialism and socialist thought. Its incisive examination of the history of imperialist aggression against states that adopt socialist principles covers areas rarely discussed in the mainstream. -Ali Kadri, Sun Yatsen University, PRC Torkil Lauesen's The Long Transition Towards Socialism and the End of Capitalism is a profound exploration of the global and historical dynamics of the past 150 years of the trajectory of socialism. Employing a historical materialist framework, the book challenges the reductionist "purity politics" lens prevalent in much left analysis of socialism today. A failure to grasp the political economy of imperialism and how it has undermined the material conditions of socialist transition has led to defeatism and pessimism in Western Marxist circles. Lauesen, instead, provides reasons for optimism on the left, deftly tracing the "fundamental contradiction" between the development of productive forces and the capitalist mode of production, demonstrating how this core conflict propels the global struggle towards socialism. The book provides a detailed historical overview of revolutionary movements, from the revolutions of 1848 to the Paris Commune and the Russian, Chinese, and decolonization revolutions of the 20 th century. Lauesen emphasizes how each revolution has contributed to the long transition from capitalism to socialism, serving as critical learning experiences for future movements. The discussion of China's strategic use of "market socialism" highlights how the country navigated these contradictions by leveraging the dynamics of capitalism to develop its productive forces, illustrating a significant example of a transitional state adapting to global conditions. With the decline of neoliberalism and the rise of China, Lauesen highlights how Global South states have been provided "breathing space" to remove the boot of imperialism from their necks, challenge historically polarized accumulation in the world-system, and provide support for socialist movements. This masterful analysis makes Lauesen's work essential reading for anyone interested in developing the theoretical tools required to understand "the long transition" and ultimately to achieve socialism on a world scale. -Corinna Mullin, The New School, author, Constructing Political Islam as the New Other: America and its Post-War on Terror Politics The Long Transition Towards Socialism and the End of Capitalism is a theoretically sophisticated and erudite tour de force that is among the most significant works on the transition from capitalism to socialism over the past 150 years. Lauesen provides a clear-sighted roadmap for a socialist future that is rooted in reality, rejecting idealistic and utopian models proffered by Western Marxist thinkers who view socialism as a seemingly magical and supernatural phenomenon. The Long Transition is a project that recognizes, and is grounded in, a pragmatic and learned understanding of past and existing socialist endeavors. This book is essential reading for all who are searching for a concrete pathway towards socialism, and offers a grounded hope now underway in Socialist China, a project that is deepening its original, foundational Marxism for the present era.
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