Medieval Theology

I consider the development of the "Nicaean Norm" for Pascha from its biblical prototype, through its development and application in the Julian and Gregorian Paschalia, to the recent proposal in the WCC's Aleppo statement. This is an overview of the theology and technology that enters into the Church Calendar and the essential criteria for a common observance of Easter. A new approach is proposed that bridges the historical gap between the traditional method of computus and the detailed astronomical approach (as reported in Synodica V, Chambésy-Genève, Les Editions du Centre Orthodoxe, 1981.

The main aim and objective of the Action is to Establish a research network for Prayer Studies, linking scholars and stakeholders, e.g., libraries and museums, to develop a systematic framework for studying prayer as a participatory practice in Europe before the Council of Trent (1545)..

In 2 Corinthians 11: 14 Saint Paul warns us about the tricks of Satan that can disguise himself as an angel of light. The exegesis of this text raises in some authors a reflection about the necessity of discernment during prayer. Imagination could bring confusion and misunderstanding, and could particularly become an open door for the bad spirit into the human soul. This is the problem that Diadochus of Photike points out. In his One Hundred practical texts, he explicitly refers to the Angel of Light (chapter 40). First, I intend to read this expression in the context of the same work, including a fundamental study of "imagination" (φαντασία) and "discernment" (διάκρισις). For the second part, I will introduce the exegesis of 2 Corinthians in Symeon the New Theologian, taking his teaching of Ethics XV, 89 as a basis: «Taste and see that who is darkness, presents himself to the imagination in the form of an angel of light» (ἄγγελον φωτός).

Alchemiae Gebri Arabis philosophi solertissimi libri, cum reliquis, ut versa pagella indicabit
by Jabir ibn Hayyan; Bacon, Roger, 1214?-1294. Speculum alchemiae; Hermes, Trismegistus. Tabul smaragdina; Hortulanus. Commentarius in Tabulam Smaragdinam Hermetis Trismegisti; Khalid ibn Yazid al-Umawi, 7th cent. Liber secretorum alchemiae; Polydorus, Chrysogonus; Richardus, Anglicus, d. 1252. Correctorium alchemiae

Aquest article es proposa explicitar el fonament filosofic de la doctrina regionalista de Josep Torras i Bages, cercant les seves fonts en el pensament de l’autor a qui Torras reconeix com a mestre, Tomas d’Aquino. L’organitzacio regionalista de la societat, per raons profundament metafisiques, implica una dimensio estetica; des d’aquesta perspectiva, la llei regionalista, que es una llei infosa, nascuda de les mateixes entranyes del poble, ha de distingir-se de les lleis humanes, que s’anuncien extrinsecament al qui ha d’obeir-les.

This paper aims to gain a better understanding of the ethics of Galeotto Marzio da Narni, a highly original 15th-century philosopher. Based on his censure and the texts that we have preserved by him, we attempt to bring out the most radical elements of his ethics, namely principally the possibility of attaining salvation in any religion and, more generally, his theory of predestination, in which ethical acts become simply signs of it. It is therefore understandable that his ethics are similar in some respects to the Protestant ethics that would become the bête noire of the Catholic authorities.

In the opening chapter of his first-rate 1948 study Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, explaining how he thought the reality of European literature should be understood, the great Ernst Robert Curtius wrote: European literature is coextensive in time with European culture, therefore embraces a period of some twenty-six centuries (reckoning from Homer to Goethe) (…). No stretch of European literary history is so little known and frequented as the Latin literature of the early and high Middle Ages. (…) Troeltsch could rightly say in 1922: "The culture of the Middle Ages still awaits presentation" (Der Historismus, 767). That is still true today. The culture of the Middle Ages cannot yet be presented, because its Latin literature has as yet been incompletely studied. In this sense the Middle Ages is still as dark today as it -wrongly -appeared to the Italian Humanists. For that very reason a historical consideration of European literature must begin at this darkest point. 1 With regard to the quoted passage from the study Europäische Literatur…, and in view of the content below, two observations can be made here. Firstly, Curtius juxtaposes two realities, namely European culture and literature, thus making it clear to his readers that European culture and European literature are closely connected and that one cannot be understood without the other. Whoever, therefore, wishes to study European culture, is forced, Curtius argues, to study the literature coupled with it, which, when it comes to the field of study, means

La parte IX de las "Advent Lyrics" ("Poema de Adviento", también conocido como "Christ I"), del Libro de Exeter, es una rica "amplificatio" de una de las antífonas de Adviento en 73 versos en inglés antiguo dedicados especialmente a la figura de la Virgen María. Una sección de estos versos reporta palabras atribuidas al profeta Isaías, seguramente por su conocido peso en toda la tradición medieval mariológica, pero que, en realidad, parecen estar inspiradas en el libro del profeta Ezequiel. Expresiones como "lifes gesteald", "lugar de la vida" y "þeodland", "tierra del pueblo/ de los pueblos", en conjunto con la visión de las "gyldnan gatu", "puertas doradas", que solo Dios puede penetrar, no solo testimonian la fuente litúrgica y bíblica del poema, con sus significados mariológicos, sino también un vínculo sugestivo con otros textos de la tradición cristiana y otros poemas del corpus poético en inglés antiguo.

Odsjek za povijesne znanosti Zavod za povijesne i društvene znanosti HAZU u Zagrebu őɱȚȫɱɡƜƉȚǴȫʴǴƜǼȫʴȚǠ ɱʀőȚȫʴȚǠžǠ ĽőƉɡő ɖȫƉɡǠǴƜʀȂȫȔ Ǡˎ ĥɡőȚƜ ʗ ˎőƉőɡɱǼǠȔ ŵǠȂǴƜˑȚǠƁǼǠȔ ɱɖǠɱǠȔő * Na temelju rašlambe objelodanjenih i neobjelodanjenih zadarskih bilježnikih fondova i drugih vrela u radu se razmatra pokretljivost stanovnika podgraoa Vrane i sela u vranskome distriktu prema zadarskoj komuni u razdoblju od 1284. do 1403. godine. Analizira se spol stalnih i privremenih doseljenika u Zadar, njihov društveni položaj u Zadru, profesije kojima su se bavili te nekretnine i pokretnine koje su posjedovali. Takooer se ukazuje na važnost dvaju izuzetno snažnih središta -Zadra kao najvažnije komune istonoga Jadrana u 14. stoljeku i Vrane kao snažne utvrde ivanovaca -te na njihovu snažnu gospodarsku i politiku povezanost koja je za obje strane imala pozitivne posljedice. Promatra se uklopljenost stanovnika Vrane i vranskoga distrikta u zadarsko društveno i pravno ureoenje, a pokušava se rekonstruirati i društveno ureoenje podgraoa Vrane i vranskoga distrikta. Razmatranje veza ukazuje na to da u razdoblju od kraja 13. do poetka 15. stoljeka dolazi do sve snažnijega priljeva stanovništva iz podgraoa Vrane kao i iz sela vranskoga distrikta u Zadar pri emu se uglavnom radilo o obrtnicima, pomoknoj radnoj snazi, trgovcima, vojnicima i drugim osobama. Udio žena u ukupnom broju doseljenih osoba iz Vrane u Zadar vrlo je malen, što je karakteristino za ovo razdoblje u kojem je pokretljivost žena vrlo ograniena. OPNYèRI VMNIèM bilježniki spisi, društvena povijest, kasni srednji vijek, migracije, Vrana, Zadar Zadarska komuna u 14. stoljeku, osobito tijekom vladavine Ludovika I. Anžuvinca, doživljava izvanredan gospodarski, društveni, kulturni, umjetniki i intelektualni uspon. 1 Ulicama gradskoga dijela komune, koji je imao oko 8000 stanovnika, svakodnevno su se kretale brojne skupine domakih ljudi -graoana, patricija i stanovnika (habitatores), a grad su esto posjekivali i seljaci (villici, villani) iz sela u komunalnom distriktu (Raukar 1980(Raukar -1981: : * Ovaj je rad sufinancirala Hrvatska zaklada za znanost projektom «Izvori, pomagala i studije za hrvatsku povijest od srednjeg vijeka do kraja dugog 19. stoljeka» (IP-2014-09-6547). 1 Opkenito o kasnosrednjovjekovnoj povijesti Zadra vidi: Klaik i Petricioli 1976.

Sažetak In diesem Beitrag werden einige Probleme aus der mittelalterlichen FrOmmigkeit aufgrund der Analyse des» Lebens des hl. Arnir «, Bischoft von Split, behandelt. Erliiutert werden mehrere Grundmotive denen man in den hagiographischen Werlcen begegnet, ...

The volume offers a critical edition of a text by Richard FitzRalph, one of the most original 14th-century Oxonian thinkers. FitzRalph’s philosophical and theological ideas were enthusiastically adopted or fiercely challenged, consolidating his recognition at the universities of Oxford, Paris, and Italy.
For all this, his work remains relatively little-known today, an obscurity this book redresses by making a question on the will from FitzRalph’s Lectura in Sententias available to a larger readership. Besides, FitzRalph’s strongly voluntaristic position and analytical techniques derived from the natural sciences and logic are shown to place him close to the Oxford Calculators.

Die These zur Zukunft des Mönchtums, die hier vorgestellt wird, ist nicht mehr als eine sozialethische Bedarfsanzeige des Mönchtums: Der Mönch als einer, der versprechensförmig lebt, wird im Kontext einer versprechensbedürftigen Welt einen starken Auftritt haben; aber nur, sofern er bereit ist, sich dieser Welt wirklich zu zeigen. Deshalb plädier ich  für ein »portarisches« Mönchtum, für ein Mönchtum also, das sich von der starken Funktion des Pförtners (portarius) her versteht, wie sie das 66. Kapitel der Benediktsregel beschreibt. I

The paper discusses the research perspectives opened up by the study of the unedited works of John Wenck, shedding light on the interplay between Albertism and Humanism. It provides an overview of Wenck's intellectual development on a new documentary basis and includes a comprehensive catalogue raisonné of Wenck's writings.

What is a person? The question is difficult because we are ourselves persons, and we consider our status as persons fundamental to who we are. This is clear enough from the cognate terms formed around the root person-personal, impersonal, personality, personhood, personify, and others. That which is personal to someone is that which touches most closely on who he is, and thus is intimate, and perhaps secret, in a way that other things are not. The impersonal is that which fails to treat someone as a person, and so to some degree falsifies that person's status, often with harmful consequences. Someone's personality is how he characteristically acts and relates to others, and his personhood is the moral and spiritual status that accrues to being a person. And so on. All of these terms indicate that we value being persons highly, and indeed we can hardly conceive of ourselves without it. The question "what is a person?" is thus tantamount to that of how we understand what we are and why we find our own being valuable and significant. One classic definition of person is that of John Locke. A brief look at it will help to orient our inquiry. Locke writes in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689): We must consider what person stands for;-which, I think, is a thinking intelligent being, that has reason and reflection, and can consider itself as itself, the same thinking thing, in different times and places; which it does only by that consciousness which is inseparable from thinking, and, as it seems to me, essential to it. 1 Plainly Locke's emphasis is on what one might call our mental identity. There is no mention of the body, nor of our biological history and origins, nor of our need for relationship with one another, nor of our capacity for relationship with God. Despite Locke's disagreement with Descartes on the issues separating rationalists and empiricists, he offers what is fundamentally a Cartesian understanding of the person, one on which we are ultimately just a "thing that thinks." Within this context, it is refreshing to turn to a much earlier definition of person, that given by Boethius in his work, Against Eutyches and Nestorius (512/13). Boethius shares with Locke the intuition that persons are limited to rational beings, including, he says, God (or perhaps a god-the Latin is ambiguous), angels, and men. 2 Accordingly he defines a person (persona) as "an individual substance of a rational nature." 3 Unlike Locke, Boethius does not locate personhood within the person's occurrent mental life, but within the rational nature that underlies and enables that life. Locke's definition leaves it unclear whether someone who is in a coma, for example, or for any other reason lacks "reason and reflection" at the present time, counts as a person. That of Boethius makes it clear that questions about such current activity are irrelevant; what matters is that the individual in question possesses a nature that is rational, even

Vraie foi, fausse loi. Je me propose dans ce qui suit d'analyser le statut de la religion dans la Chanson de Roland afin d'y identifier les traces d'une voix laïque qui, entremêlée avec la mise en forme cléricale, permette de mettre au jour les indices des mutations de la religiosité au cours du xii e siècle. J'appellerai « religiosité » les manifestations de la pratique religieuse et les formes d'appropriation d'un cadre théorique général, telles qu'elles se laissent appréhender dans le double discours sur les païens et les chrétiens 1 . Si l'on a tendance, usuellement, à définir la religion comme un système de rites et de croyances 2 , il me semble qu'il faut résister à la facilité qui consiste à appliquer de façon universelle et indifférenciée une telle définition, et chercher à comprendre quand et comment la notion de croyance est devenue un élément central de la définition de la religion 3 . Une telle démarche permettra, je l'espère, de démêler en partie l'entrelacement des voix cléricales et laïques dans le discours sur la religion et les pratiques qui l'accompagnent. 1. Je prends la notion de « religiosité » dans le sens classique qui est le sien en sociologie de la religion, en particulier depuis G. Simmel (et au-delà, de Durkheim à Bourdieu), qui distingue la forme objective de la religion, l'institution et les dogmes, et la forme subjective, la religiosité, qui renvoie au degré de pratique et à l'appropriation individuelle de la forme objective. 2. Voir. É. Durkheim, Les Formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, Paris, 1968, p. 65 : « Une religion est un système solidaire de croyances et de pratiques relatives à des choses sacrées, séparées, interdites, croyances et pratiques qui unissent en une même communauté morale appelée Église tous ceux qui y adhèrent. » 3. Voir, dans ce sens, les remarques de J. ScheiD, Les Dieux, l'État et l'Individu.

Da mercoledì 5 marzo a domenica 9 marzo 2025 e in replica da martedì 11 marzo a sabato 15 marzo (ore 21.30), la Biennale di Venezia presenta il Progetto Speciale dell’Archivio Storico Expositio Sancti Evangelii secundum Iohannem (Commento al Vangelo di Giovanni) di Johannes Eckhart (1260 - 1328 ca.), il teologo e mistico domenicano noto come Meister Eckhart.

Il progetto porta in scena il Commento al Vangelo di Giovanni al Portego delle colonne della Scuola Grande di San Marco, l’atrio del monumentale complesso cinquecentesco oggi noto come Ospedale Civile SS. Giovanni e Paolo, con gli attori Federica Fracassi, Leda Kreider, Dario Aita insieme al Coro della Cappella Marciana sotto la guida del Maestro Marco Gemmani. Drammaturgia e regia sono a cura di Antonello Pocetti e l’ideazione scenica di Antonino Viola, che per la Biennale avevano già firmato a gennaio il Prometeo di Nono, mentre le immagini video sono progettate da Andrew Quinn e la proiezione del suono affidata a Thierry Coduys.

Le prime cinque serate del Commento al Vangelo di Giovanni saranno introdotte ogni volta da una diversa personalità del mondo culturale, filosofico, religioso: dal teologo, scrittore e poeta Cardinale José Tolentino de Mendonça, prefetto del Dicastero della cultura e dell’educazione della Santa Sede (5 marzo) al filosofo Peter Sloterdjik, fra gli autori che maggiormente hanno contribuito alla storia delle idee del secondo novecento (6 marzo),  cui segue Cristiana Collu, Direttrice della Fondazione Querini Stampalia (7 marzo), quindi la studiosa della cultura classica Monica Centanni, docente di Lingua e letteratura greca all’Università Iuav di Venezia  (8 marzo), fino al Patriarca di Venezia Monsignor Francesco Moraglia, membro del Dicastero per la cultura e l’educazione della Santa Sede, nonché gran cancelliere della Facoltà di teologia del Triveneto (9 marzo).

Abstract: In this article I analyze the numerous depictions of animals on two large world maps, the anonymous Hereford mappamundi, made c. 1300, and a world map by the Dutch cartographer Jodocus Hondius, made in 1611, and particularly the religious import of their presence. It is well established that some of the animals on the Hereford map come from bestiaries, while others do not, and I will examine what the “importation” of these animals can tell us about their intended meaning, particularly in relation to the sources from which they come. Dutch cartography was overwhelmingly secular, and many animals that appear on Dutch maps either indicate that an area is rural or signal the presence of an exotic creature. A large world map by Jodocus Hondius has an unusually large amount of religious imagery, and it also has an extensive gallery of 60 animals in its borders. I will examine how these animals fit with the map’s unusual religious program, and their relationship with the “emblematic” tradition of representing animals as moral models, which would begin declining later in the seventeenth century.

Resumen: En este artículo analizo las numerosas representaciones de animales en dos grandes mapas mundiales: el anónimo mappamundi de Hereford, realizado alrededor del año 1300, y un mapa mundial del cartógrafo neerlandés Jodocus Hondius, elaborado en 1611, centrándome especialmente en la carga religiosa de su presencia. Está bien establecido que algunos de los animales en el mapa de Hereford provienen de bestiarios, mientras que otros no, y examinaré qué nos revela la “importación” de estos animales sobre su significado intencionado, particularmente en relación con las fuentes de las que proceden. La cartografía neerlandesa era abrumadoramente secular, y muchos de los animales que aparecen en los mapas neerlandeses indican que un área es rural o señalan la presencia de una criatura exótica. Un gran mapa mundial de Jodocus Hondius contiene una cantidad inusualmente grande de imaginería religiosa y también presenta una extensa galería de 60 animales en sus márgenes. Examinaré cómo estos animales encajan con el inusual programa religioso del mapa y su relación con la tradición “emblemática” de representar a los animales como modelos morales, una tradición que comenzaría a decaer más tarde en el siglo XVII.

Résumé : Dans cet article, j’analyse les nombreuses représentations d’animaux sur deux grandes cartes du monde : le mappemonde anonyme de Hereford, réalisé vers 1300, et une carte du monde du cartographe néerlandais Jodocus Hondius, réalisée en 1611, en mettant particulièrement l’accent sur la signification religieuse de leur présence. Il est bien établi que certains des animaux figurant sur la carte de Hereford proviennent de bestiaires, tandis que d’autres non, et j’examinerai ce que l’« importation » de ces animaux peut nous révéler sur leur signification intentionnelle, notamment en lien avec les sources dont ils sont issus. La cartographie néerlandaise était majoritairement séculière, et de nombreux animaux figurant sur les cartes néerlandaises servent soit à indiquer qu’une zone est rurale, soit à signaler la présence d’une créature exotique. Une grande carte du monde réalisée par Jodocus Hondius contient une quantité inhabituellement importante d’iconographie religieuse et présente également une vaste galerie de 60 animaux dans ses marges. J’examinerai comment ces animaux s’intègrent dans le programme religieux inhabituel de la carte et leur relation avec la tradition « emblématique » qui consiste à représenter les animaux comme modèles moraux, une tradition qui commencera à décliner plus tard au XVIIe siècle.

Zusammenfassung: In diesem Artikel analysiere ich die zahlreichen Darstellungen von Tieren auf zwei großen Weltkarten: der anonymen Hereford-Mappa Mundi, die um 1300 entstanden ist, und einer Weltkarte des niederländischen Kartografen Jodocus Hondius aus dem Jahr 1611, wobei ich besonders auf die religiöse Bedeutung ihrer Präsenz eingehe. Es ist gut belegt, dass einige der Tiere auf der Hereford-Karte aus Bestiarien stammen, während andere es nicht tun. Ich werde untersuchen, was die „Übernahme“ dieser Tiere über ihre beabsichtigte Bedeutung aussagen kann, insbesondere im Hinblick auf ihre ursprünglichen Quellen. Die niederländische Kartografie war überwiegend säkular, und viele Tiere, die auf niederländischen Karten erscheinen, zeigen entweder an, dass ein Gebiet ländlich ist, oder weisen auf das Vorkommen einer exotischen Kreatur hin. Eine große Weltkarte von Jodocus Hondius enthält eine ungewöhnlich große Menge religiöser Bildsprache und zudem eine umfangreiche Galerie von 60 Tieren in ihren Rändern. Ich werde untersuchen, wie diese Tiere in das ungewöhnliche religiöse Programm der Karte passen und welche Verbindung sie zur „emblematischen“ Tradition haben, Tiere als moralische Vorbilder darzustellen – eine Tradition, die im späteren 17. Jahrhundert allmählich zurückging.

Riassunto: In questo articolo analizzo le numerose rappresentazioni di animali in due grandi mappe del mondo: la Mappa Mundi di Hereford, anonima e realizzata intorno al 1300, e una mappa del mondo del cartografo olandese Jodocus Hondius, realizzata nel 1611, concentrandomi in particolare sul loro significato religioso. È ben noto che alcuni degli animali sulla mappa di Hereford provengono dai bestiari, mentre altri no, e analizzerò cosa possa rivelarci l’“importazione” di questi animali sul loro significato intenzionale, in particolare in relazione alle fonti da cui provengono. La cartografia olandese era prevalentemente secolare, e molti animali presenti sulle mappe olandesi indicano che un’area è rurale oppure segnalano la presenza di una creatura esotica. Una grande mappa del mondo di Jodocus Hondius presenta una quantità insolitamente ampia di immagini religiose e un’ampia galleria di 60 animali lungo i suoi margini. Esaminerò come questi animali si inseriscano nell’insolito programma religioso della mappa e quale sia la loro relazione con la tradizione “emblematica” di rappresentare gli animali come modelli morali, una tradizione che avrebbe iniziato a declinare nel tardo XVII secolo.

Resumo: Neste artigo, analiso as numerosas representações de animais em dois grandes mapas-múndi: o anônimo mappamundi de Hereford, feito por volta de 1300, e um mapa-múndi do cartógrafo neerlandês Jodocus Hondius, produzido em 1611, concentrando-me especialmente no significado religioso de sua presença. Está bem estabelecido que alguns dos animais no mapa de Hereford provêm de bestiários, enquanto outros não, e examinarei o que a "importação" desses animais pode nos revelar sobre seu significado pretendido, particularmente em relação às fontes de onde vêm. A cartografia neerlandesa era predominantemente secular, e muitos dos animais que aparecem nos mapas neerlandeses indicam que uma área é rural ou assinalam a presença de uma criatura exótica. Um grande mapa-múndi de Jodocus Hondius contém uma quantidade incomumente grande de imagens religiosas e também apresenta uma extensa galeria de 60 animais em suas margens. Examinarei como esses animais se encaixam no incomum programa religioso do mapa e sua relação com a tradição “emblemática” de representar os animais como modelos morais, uma tradição que começaria a declinar mais tarde, no século XVII.

A proposal for harmonizing the apophatic/mystical tradition with virtues ethics via an interpretation of Bonaventure's understanding of hierarchy - a Christocentric and dynamically relational cosmic exemplarism - as a framework for virtues ethics.  Analysis includes "The Three Ways," "Hexaemeron," the "Itinerarium," and Bonaventure's adaptation of Ps-Dionysius' "Mystical Theology." I propose that 1) the Bonaventurean approach provides an excellent "harmonic structure" for the kind of improvisational performance (best observed in the performance of formation required for jazz improvisation) necessary for the virtues while 2) maintaining the emphasis on epistemological humility and dependence on divine grace of the apophatic tradition. ISBN 978-1-57659-445-2

In the 800th anniversary of St. Thomas Aquinas's birthday, we would like to focus on strategies he adopts in different types of his production and methods he applies both as a theologian and as a philosopher. We are going to examine the importance and the consequences of such choices, as well as their motivations and inspirations. We will include both those strategies and methods which are explicitly mentioned by Thomas and those which can be traced back. This will enable us to create a picture of Aquinas as a scholar who cared about the correct ways of thinking and scientific procedures.
We invite submissions of contributed papers which analyse Aquinas’s:
•  patterns of work composition,
•  exegetical techniques,
•  hermeneutical strategies,
•  methodology of sciences (including metaphysics, theology, natural sciences),
•  ways of argumentation and argumentative strategies,
•  use of logic,
•  analytical approach,
•  other similar aspects of his work.

Thomas Aquinas' particular synthesis of Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism, and the intellectual tradition it inaugurated, has at least twice faced critical challenges from developments in physics. Besieged by the sixteenth and seventeenth century novatores and more or less ignored by the nineteenth-and twentiethcentury practitioners of mathematical physics, Thomism was nevertheless forced, in both cases, to reckon with the relationship of metaphysics to physics and the related question of the nature of scientific theories. This essay begins with two opposed twentieth-century Thomist responses to these challenges, that of Pierre Duhem and that of the River Forest Thomist school. Then, after carefully examining the concept of place in Albertus Magnus' untranslated De Natura Loci and commentary on the Liber de Causis, putting this element of Albert's natural philosophy into conversation with Thomas Aquinas', and investigating Thomas' account of the ordering of the sciences, I argue that both approaches, opposites though they are, fail. Neither adequately accounts for a crucial and much-neglected feature of Albert's and Thomas' conception of the relationship between the sciences: the dependence of metaphysics upon various deliverances of natural philosophy.

This article offers a philosophical reflection on the dogma of the Incarnation, with a specific focus on its anthropological aspects. The first theme explored is the ontological significance of original sin. Ontology also underpins the second key theme, which examines essentialist ontology as a necessary foundation for Christology. The discussion then turns to the formal infinity of the intellect and its connection to the Incarnation, framed within the doctrine of the Imago Dei. The article concludes with a brief reflection on the claims to exclusivity of the Christian faith, justified by the historical nature of the Incarnation.

In the conclusion of the "Historia calamitatum mearum", Abelard asserts that every human misfortune is part of a divine design whose end is good. This observation lends itself well to the consolatory nature of the epistle, addressed to an anonymous friend to find solace for his misfortunes. Upon coming into possession of the letter, Heloise reproaches Abelard for never having addressed such consolation to her. Between them, an intense confrontation opens up during which Heloise repeatedly denies the concept of providence upheld by Abelard in the "Historia calamitatum". The paper aims to retrace this unusual criticism through five courageous considerations of Heloise present in letter IV: a) God’s design is unjust because it brought misfortune when the relationship with Abelard had been made chaste through marriage, showing that, if evil can be resolved into good, even good can lead to evil; b) the memory of love for Abelard preserves in her soul a "peccandi voluntas" contrary to the design of God; c) God is cruel because he initially punished only Abelard; d) she has no merit with God because, enduring her misfortunes, she intends to please Abelard rather than the Lord, bending to the will of the former and not the latter.

Current sociological and theological observations point to the existence of a phenomenon known as «de-churching» in Western countries. Within the Church, there has been a long-standing discussion on the relativisation of some points of the doctrine and the dilution of the notion of consensus in the Church in favour of what could even be described as deliberate multiplicity that does not need to be reconciled. In this perspective, I would like to analyse Aquinas's teaching about the consensus Ecclesiae, a theme which opens up the wider subject of the unity of and affiliation with the Church. Aquinas analyses the notion of ecclesial consensus and the unity/multiplicity relationship-concerning, for instance, opinions on the truths of the faith, permissible divergences, or «differences» in faith-in the context of unity with Christ and the concept of the persona mystica. This implies an alignment of the members with the Head, a constant movement of reconciliation that takes place not so much among the members as it does between them and Christ. In this sense, the «wounds of unity» in the form of heresies and schisms and the dangers that stem from them occupy his attention in many commentaries in which he makes an effort to demonstrate errors. This pursuit of unity is more than a concordance of opinions; it is an ontological perseverance in communion with Christ. Aquinas's reflections on the unity of the Church in the historical dimension will be presented in this light, with his distinction between implicit and explicit faith.

The article reviews the latest book by Wendy Wauters De geuren van de kathedraal. De overweldigende 16 de eeuw in Antwerpen. The author analyses the sacred space of the Gothic cathedral (full of art objects) through the possible experience of a common churchgoer in the 16 th century. This historical book, intended for a broad audience, is based on the author's doctoral thesis. Wauters uses historical anecdotes, presented in chronological order, to guide the reader through the history of the church, the city, and the reconstruction of the multisensory experience. The author's literary style renders the imagined experience of the late-medieval church easily accessible to readers. The book challenges the common understandings of Gothic architecture: it introduces the idea of the Gothic church as a 'memory palace' (geheugenpaleis) instead of the Gesamtkunstwerk. The research method of Wauters leans on the 'lived religion-approach' but also includes other contemporary movements such as animal studies or the study of medievalism.

This article studies the reception by seventeenth-century Scholasticism of Henry of Ghent's reflection on the existence of God. It analyses authors who explicitly declare themselves to be followers of Henry. This attests the existence of a seventeenth-century Henrician Scholasticism. The history of the reception of Henry's reflection by this Henrician Scholasticism is, however, also the history of a non-reception of the a priori proof of God's existence formulated by Henry himself. * Riprendo qui, rivedendo, correggendo e sviluppando alcuni punti, una sezione del mio volume I. AGOSTINI, La démonstration de l'existence de Dieu. Les conclusions des cinq voies de Thomas d'Aquin et la preuve a priori dans le thomisme du XVIIe siècle , Brepols («The Age of Descartes»), Turnhout 2016, pp. 87-103.

Abstract: Interpretative Theory and Practice of St. Thomas Aquinas

This paper examines the interpretative theory and exegetical practice of St. Thomas Aquinas, focusing on his approach to Scripture within the broader framework of medieval scholasticism. Aquinas’ hermeneutical method is deeply rooted in the fourfold sense of Scripture—literal, allegorical, moral, and anagogical—demonstrating a synthesis of Aristotelian logic and patristic tradition. By analyzing key texts such as the Summa Theologiae and his Commentaries on the Gospels, this study explores how Aquinas integrates reason and faith to uncover theological truths. His emphasis on the primacy of the literal sense, while harmonizing it with spiritual interpretations, showcases his commitment to a holistic reading of Scripture. Furthermore, this paper highlights Aquinas’ influence on later biblical interpretation, particularly in Catholic theology and systematic exegesis. Through a critical engagement with his methods, this study affirms the enduring relevance of Aquinas’ interpretative framework for contemporary theological discourse. Additionally, this paper considers Aquinas’ use of Aristotelian epistemology in shaping his exegetical principles, particularly his approach to divine revelation and human reason. By situating his interpretative methods within the intellectual currents of the 13th century, this study underscores his role in bridging classical philosophy with Christian theology.

Classiquement traitée dans les prologues des commentaires aux Sentences de Pierre Lombard, la question de la nature de la théologie – pratique ou spéculative – présente un intérêt indéniable pour les théologiens du XIIIe siècle, qui cherchent à clarifier le statut épistémique d’un savoir dont l’objet est principalement testimonial, de même que le lieu, dans l’intellect, d’un tel savoir et les rapports qu’il entretient à la volonté et à l’action. Au fondement de ce problème se trouve la question épistémologique de la primauté de l’éthique ou de la métaphysique, de même que celle, anthropologique, de la primauté de l’action ou de la contemplation dans l’expérience humaine.

Le travail de G. Sondag sur Duns Scot a déjà permis de mettre en valeur, dans le prologue de la Lectura et celui de l’Ordinatio, la théorisation de la scientificité pratique caractérisant « notre » théologie. Or, l’idée d’un savoir théologique proprement scientifique dont l’habitus se trouverait dans l’intellect pratique, et qui serait tout entier ordonné à l’action et au salut, apparaît de façon récurrente chez les théologiens de l’« école » franciscaine.  Pourtant, malgré son importance à la fin du XIIIe siècle, cette conception demeure peu étudiée, surtout si on la compare à celle développée par Thomas d’Aquin, pour qui la théologie est un savoir principalement spéculatif.

Chez les frères mineurs, les enseignements de penseurs tels qu’Alexandre de Halès, Pierre de Jean Olivi et Bonaventure méritent notre attention dans la mesure où leur position demeure largement à détailler. Du côté des frères prêcheurs, il faut s’intéresser à Albert le Grand, mais également à des maîtres critiques du thomisme comme Durand de Saint-Pourçain, pour qui la théologie est simultanément pratique et spéculative secundum quid ; ou, à l’inverse, à des penseurs comme Gilles de Rome, qui la catégorise comme science « affective » plutôt que pratique ou théorique. Il convient également de se demander ce qu’il en est chez Henri de Gand qui, bien qu’il critique la doctrine thomasienne de la subalternation, défend néanmoins comme Thomas l’unité de la théologie à titre de science spéculative ; ou encore chez un maître séculier comme Godefroid de Fontaines, qui renonce à l’unité de la science théologique, la concevant à la fois comme absolument spéculative et absolument pratique.

L’ambition de cette journée d’étude est de permettre une approche généalogique de la conception de la théologie comme science pratique en retraçant les grands moments de son évolution, autant dans la seconde moitié du XIIIe siècle que, en amont, dans la théologie du XIIe siècle et, en aval, dans un XIVe siècle qui a pu entamer la remise en question son pouvoir de connaître. À cette ambition s’ajoute celle de comprendre la signification psychologique d’une connaissance correspondant à un habitus se rapportant à la fois aux vertus théologales, intellectuelles et morales, et la contrainte que peut exercer sur la volonté et l’action une telle connaissance.

In dem Projekt wurde untersucht, inwiefern ausgewählte muslimische Philosophen, nämlich al-Kindī (gest. zwischen 247/861 und 252/866 ), al-Fārābī (gest. 339/950), Ibn Sīnā (gest. 428/1037) und der Theologe und Mystiker al-Ġazālī (gest. 428/1037) sich mit den okkulten Wissenschaften auseinandergesetzt und wie sie diese bewertet haben. In einem zweiten Schritt wurde geprüft, ob und inwiefern Ideen von al-Kindī und al-Fārābī Eingang in das berühmte magische Lehrwerk aus dem 4./10. Jahrhundert, die Ġāyat al-ḥakīm wa-aḥaqq an-natīǧatain bi-t-taqdīm des Hadithgelehrten, Alchemisten und Magier Maslama al-Qurṭubī (gest. 353/964) gefunden und welchen Stellenwert der Verfasser seinerseits der Philosophie beigemessen hat.

History is today an established academic discipline, characterized by the use of footnotes and references to support claims. However, attempts to codify history and impose disciplinary rigour were made in the Middle Ages, even before the introduction of the modern apparatus. One such attempt was the use of the source mark, a precursor of the modern footnote. Initially used in the works of lawyers and theologians, the source mark indicated that a text and its ideas belonged to a named authority. The application of the source mark to historical writings marked a change in the way history was perceived.

This volume explores how history was transformed into a discipline by focusing on four key twelfth-and thirteenth-century sources: the anonymous Status Imperii Iudaici, the Chronicle of Hélinand of Froidmont, the Chronicle of Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, and Vincent of Beauvais’s Speculum Historiale. By focusing on these four texts and examining the influences of surrounding disciplines such as law and theology, the author explores how these historical writers drew on a wide range of different sources of information to provide a truthful account of the past. Furthermore, the aim of producing a reliable narrative was combined with an awareness of the status of the author. Through these case studies, this volume offers a fascinating reassessment of our modern understanding of the origins of the study of history.

Fidelity to Thomism and the True Religion Tribute of gratitude and loyalty to St. Thomas on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of his birth. Summa Theologiae I-II, q. 100 a. 5: "Fidelitas quidem ad Dominum in hoc consistit, ut honorem principatus ad alium non deferat. Et quantum ad hoc accipitur primum praecep-tum, cum dicitur, non habebis deos alienos.

M l a d e n P a r l o v UVOD U ozračju eshatologizma kraja 15. st., obilježenog iščekivanjem skorašnjeg konca svijeta, a što koincidira i sa završetkom epohe srednjega vijeka, za Marka Marulića i njegove suvremenike (kao i za nas danas uostalom) nadasve važno i tjeskobno bilo je pitanje vječnog spasenja. Više od same smrti vjernika, Marulićeva suvremenika, strašila je neizvjesnost i strah pred onim što će biti poslije smrti. Svjestan osobne slabosti, grešnosti i nedostatnosti, vjerniku kasnog srednjega vijeka preostalo je samo veliko pouzdanje u Kristovo milosrđe i ljubav. Otuda i zanimanje za ono što je Krist "za nas učinio", odnosno za spasenjske učinke njegova poslanja. Dakako da ovom stereotipu nije mogao izbjeći ni naš Splićanin. Njegova kristologija Kristovih otajstava (nesustavno obrađena i razrađena), zapravo je ponajprije soteriologija (nauka o spasenju), ukoliko se Marulić ponajprije pita što pojedino Kristovo otajstvo znači za nas vjernike i kako ga protumačiti i okrenuti nama na korist. Ovim člankom želimo pokazati na koji način Marulić, pod soteriološkim vidom, tumači pojedina Kristova otajstva. U našem prikazu, slijedeći Marulićeve misli promatrane u kontekstu teologija kojima se je služio, izložit ćemo samo dva središnja Kristova otajstva: utjelovljenje te njegovo Pashalno otajstvo. Argumentu Kristova utjelovljenja Marulić ne pristupa "ex professo", naime ne obrađuje ga iscrpno niti na način vlastit skolastičkoj teologiji. On poznaje te se koristi raznim teološkim mišljenjima i rješenjima, ovisno o tome što želi naglasiti te što određena tema zahtijeva.

Resumo: O artigo tem como principal objetivo traçar um panorama sobre o tema do suicídio partindo da forma como o tema é tratado no texto bíblico e como que, posteriormente, tal tema será tratado pela tradição da igreja católica. Para atingir nosso objetivo iniciamos traçando os relatos bíblicos de suicídio pontuando que não há no texto bíblico nenhum tipo de condenação da prática. Em seguida mostramos como que o tema foi trabalhado na história da igreja católica partindo das formulações de Lactâncio, Santo Agostinho e São Tomás de Aquino. Em um terceiro momento mostramos como a igreja católica lidou com o tema do ponto de vista moral. Concluímos afirmando que o modo de abordar o tema do suicídio tem como matriz uma antropologia grega e não uma antropologia bíblica, o que gera desafios grandes para as justificativas que se dão para a condenação do suicídio pela igreja católica.

Proprio perché il mito gioca una importanza nella decifrazione della realtà, si vuole offrire una descrizione di alcune interpretazioni della figura apocalittica dell’Anticristo. La questione si ricollega nell’immaginario cristiano occidentale al binomio vero/falso, autentico/ipocrita o perverso. Il tentativo da parte degli autori cristiani di identificare l’Anticristo mette in gioco più elementi in nome di una pretesa razionale o per lo meno argomentata: la teologia della storia, la verità e la favola. I testi sull’Anticristo nascono proprio per rispondere alle strategie di questo nemico, tradizionalmente menzognero: egli prova ad intrecciare il suo regno a quello di Dio, in modo da ingannare le sue vittime.

Il corso intende introdurre i partecipanti alla conoscenza delle scritture a mano utilizzate per i documenti e i libri di epoca medievale (XII-XV secolo). Le lezioni hanno uno scopo pratico e si configurano essenzialmente come esercitazioni di lettura e di trascrizione in modalità di didattica a distanza.

Nel corso di ogni lezione verranno presentati documenti e testi vergati con diversi tipi di scritture, che si impareranno a leggere insieme. I partecipanti saranno poi invitati a svolgere a casa degli esercizi di trascrizione, che verranno corretti nella lezione successiva con ulteriori approfondimenti di carattere paleografico, archivistico e diplomatistico.

Maggiori informazioni al link: https://www.centrostudisantarosa.org/paleografia-pratica-per-tutti-2025/

A brief overview of how Bonaventure believes both Christ's death and Christ's resurrection atone for sin and work Christian redemption. The material cause of salvation is Christ’s Passion, which merits our forgiveness for sin. The efficient causes of salvation are both Christ's passion (which offers Christians a model of how to die to selfishness) and Christ's resurrection (which offers Christians a model of how to live in the new life of grace). Again, both Christ's death and resurrection are formal causes of redemption: Christ death shows that true human life is meant to be lived as total self-gift, and capital grace allows Christ's to participate in the resurrected humanity of Jesus as a means to be empowered to live the Christian life. The final cause of redemption is the resurrection, as it is the final state toward which atonement leads.

Статья посвящена роли женщины (в частности, монахини и настоятельницы) в средневековой Ливонии. Принимая во внимание значительное количество работ о крестоносном движении в Балтийском регионе, автор делает акцент на визуальной культуре этого региона, а также переосмысливает положение, которое занимали женщины в средневековом обществе в целом, в контексте концепта «центр — периферия». Автор начинает статью с обзора исторических источников и констатирует скупость конкретных свидетельств о женщинах в повествовательных текстах о крестовых походах в Ливонию, созданных в XIII в. На основе ливонского актового материала приводятся примеры деятельности женщин. В статье рассмотрены способы покровительства монастырям, включая пожертвования в XIII–XV столетиях. В связи с этим, подчеркивается особое отношение к женским монастырям со стороны частных лиц, как представителей церкви, так и членов Тевтонского ордена. Кроме того, проанализирована экономическая составляющая пожертвований, получаемых данными учреждениями, в частности, в виде дарения земель. Наконец, в статье рассматривается саморепрезентация представительниц женских духовных властей с привлечением, не только письменных документов, но и визуальных источников, представленных, в том числе, изображениями на печатях. В статье показано, что женские религиозные структуры вписывали свою власть в контекст марианской идеологии региона. Наиболее отчетливо это прослеживается на сохранившихся печатях, где изображены Дева Мария и Христос, а также сами настоятельницы, держащие знаки епископальной власти, а также книги. Это может свидетельствовать о передаче ими, как посредниками, заступнической власти.

Regarding the incarnation of the Divine Logos, Duns Scotus’ thought marks a groundbreaking speculative shift, primarily theological but also crucial from a Christological-philosophical perspective. The central formulation is well known: “lapsus non fuit causa praedestinationis Christi”, meaning that Christ’s predestination was not a consequence of Adam’s sin—the Logos became flesh not as a result of a human free act.
Theologically, this opens an alternative perspective both to Augustine’s position, which became paradigmatic for later Catholic theology, and to the Lutheran controversy, whose emphasis on the intrinsic corruption of humanity influenced much of Protestant reflection on original sin well into the 20th century.
Moreover, the incarnation of the Logos for a motive that is neither primarily nor occasionally human represents a conceptual framework that has the potential to develop into a significant Christological philosopheme. This, in turn, may provide an unprecedented reinforcement of the hermeneutics of the biblical myth in reference to the most classical of cases.

Riguardo all’incarnazione del Logos divino, nel pensiero di Duns Scoto viene inaugurato un passaggio speculativo epocale, innanzitutto teologico, ma decisivo anche in ottica cristologico-filosofica. La formulazione centrale è nota: “lapsus non fuit causa praedestinationis Christi”, ossia la predestinazione di Cristo non è stata effetto del peccato di Adamo – il Logos s’è fatto carne non in conseguenza di un atto libero umano. Teologicamente, si apre qui una prospettiva alternativa sia alla posizione di Agostino, paradigmatica per tutta la teologia cattolica posteriore, sia alla controversia luterana, la cui messa in rilievo della corruzione intrinseca dell’umano ha improntato fino al XX secolo larga parte della riflessione protestante sul peccato originale. Inoltre, l’umanarsi del Logos per un movente non anzitutto né occasionalmente umano costituisce un plesso concettuale che promette di trasformarsi in un importante filosofema cristologico, capace peraltro di rafforzare in maniera inedita l’ermeneusi del mito biblico in riferimento al più classico dei casi.