European History

The article concerns a legal way of election the President in the Polish legal order between second world war. The April Constitution 1935, which made the head of state the most powerful body, tried to reflect the political orientation of its creators. The Constitution from 1935 was made personally for Józef Piłsudski. The political option, ruling Poland after 1926, had to construct the wise of president election, which would be secure for the this option.

In 1881-1882, Marx undertook extensive historical studies, covering a large part of what was then known as "world history". The four large notebooks with excerpts from the works of (mainly) two leading historian of his time, Schlosser and Botta, have remained largely unpublished. In this article, Marx's last studies of the course of world history are contextualized: Marx's previous historical studies and his ongoing, but unfinished work on the critique of political economy. The range and scope of his notes is astoundingly broad, going far beyond European history and actually covering many other parts of the world. Marx's focus in these studies supports the interpretation offered in the article: that the author of "Capital" was fascinated by the long process of the making of the modern states and the European states system, one of the crucial prerequisites of the rise of modern capitalism in Europe. "The whole of history must be studied anew!" Friedrich Engels (1890) 1 1. See footnote 85 below.

Research on political violence and terrorism is usually focused on the origins and the dynamics of violence. This article attempts to overcome the neglect of ways of leaving terrorism. One important hypothesis of this article is that terrorism should be understood as a strategy of communication. How did states and societies face the 'communicative challenge' posed by terrorism? This question will be applied to the cases of left-wing terrorism in 1970s and 1980s West Germany and France. In the 1970s, in West Germany, a political dialogue with the left-wing group RAF (Rote Armee Fraktion) seemed to be impossible, whereas in France violent groups engaged with the wider public through public communication. By this way an escalation of violence could be avoided, but in the 1980s French terrorist groups such as Action Directe modelled themselves on the West German RAF: as a consequence, any communication with the state or society was interrupted. At the same time, in West Germany, the question of whether a dialogue with the RAF should be started was at the core of public discussion. Some stated that it would be the only possibility to make them give up, while others rejected any idea of communicating with terrorists. The West German and French cases show us that the communicational situation, especially the degree of integration of the concerned left-wing groups in public discourse, had an important impact on the outcome of violence. La grande majorite ´des travaux de recherche concernant la violence politique et le terrorisme s'inte ´ressent en priorite ´aux origines et a `la dynamique des actes de violence. Il est rare que la perspective soit inverse ´e et que l'attention soit porte ´e sur la question comment arre ˆter des dynamiques de violence, comment rompre le cercle

ANNO LXXXIII (2016) NUOVA SERIE A-67,3-4 INDICE-SOMMARIO del fascicolo 2 ANDREA MARIA AZZARO, Appunti sulla nozione giuridica di "crisi" d'impresa come stato di non insolvenza (irreversibile), 181 MARIA LUISA BICCARI, Sul titolo De Iniuriis del Codice Giustinianeo: le costituzioni di Diocle-ziano e il diritto classico, 203 ALBERTO FABBRI, ILARIA PRETELLI, The Right to Freedom of Religion in the Italian Experience of Secularism, 241 GABRIELE MARRA, «Diritto penale moderno» v. «Diritto penale ultra-liberale». Note su imma-gini francofortesi nella gius-penalistica spagnola, 279 LUCIO MONACO, Prolegomena alla riforma del diritto penale dell'informatica nell'ordinamento giuridico della Repubblica di San Marino, 335 MARIA MORELLO, Humanitas e diritto: la condizione giuridica della donna nella famiglia dell'e-tà pre-moderna, 365 VITTORIO PARLATO, Pietro Leopoldo: un principe riformatore, 397 EDOARDO ALBERTO ROSSI, L'autodeterminazione dei popoli tra jus cogens...

protezione priva della legittimazione attiva i contraenti forti e gli altri soggetti eventualmente interessati, ma non puo `incidere sulla competenza del giudice il quale conserva il potere di rilevare d'ufficio la nullita `del contratto. La competenza giudiziale a rilevare d'uffi-cio della nullita `di protezione trova fondamento nei principi di diritto processuale e nelle logiche di diritto sostanziale sopra esaminate con riferimento alle nullita `assolute e non si pone in contrasto con la tutela della parte debole che puo `proporre opposizione ove ritenga che cio `possa arrecargli pregiudizio.

The “European relaunch” of the 1980s has been widely analyzed within economic historiography. After the crises of the 1970s, European integration resumed with a strong focus on completing the internal market, the core of which is Lord Cockfield’s 1985 White Paper. This comprehensive document outlined 300 directives aimed at dismantling the physical, technical and fiscal barriers that segmented the European market, with a targeted
completion timeframe of eight years. As such, the White Paper is significant in the history of European integration, yet it has been understudied in the academic literature.
Through Cockfield’s work, my research seeks to identify the new economic identity that emerged in those years, focusing on the interplay of political and economic-industrial influences, as well as the relationships among various economic cultures that characterized this unique moment, akin to a laboratory for identity redefinition.
The direct study of the concrete drafting process of the White Paper and the entire course of its implementation until 1992 offers the opportunity to introduce new elements that can enrich previous interpretations of the 1980s in Europe .

This article analyses the petition and response process in late medieval Castile, focusing on petitions of grievance submitted to the Royal Council during the reign of Isabel I and Fernando II (r.1474–1504). Studies published in recent decades have revised our understanding of petitionary practices and their significance to systems of governance in medieval and early modern Europe. One persistent gap in this scholarship, however, concerns the ‘aftermath’ of petitioning — that is, the occurrences that followed the grant of petitions and the issuance of royal decrees in response. Drawing on the rich documentation that has survived from late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Castile, this article highlights the importance of studying the local spaces of interactions where beneficiaries of royal decrees tried to bring them into effect through acts of claims-making. The evidence from Castile is mobilized to illuminate the forms of negotiation and contestation that informed the presentations of ‘letters of justice’ issued by the Royal Council, the mechanisms used by the royal authority to enforce its commands, and the ways that factors such as speed, publicity and violence shaped the meanings petitioning assumed in different contexts of dispute. The analysis of petitioning bears implications for understanding royal power in the Castilian monarchy, drawing attention to a pattern of intensifying communications between the central royal government and non-elites. As they petitioned the Royal Council, thousands of Castilians sought empowerment in local disputes. At the same time, mass participation in the petitioning process played a major role in legitimizing royal power and furthering its embeddedness in the localities.

La réflexion économique en Grèce ancienne a longtemps été considérée comme inexistante ou relevant du simple sens commun. Pour les uns, il ne saurait y avoir de véritable savoir économique que sous la forme d’une science, soit seulement à partir du XVIIIe siècle avec la naissance de l’économie politique. Pour les autres, les Grecs étaient principalement intéressés à la vie politique et méprisaient les affaires économiques, qu’ils remettaient aux esclaves et aux femmes. Les textes rassemblés dans ce volume remettent en question ces deux présupposés, et témoignent de la vitalité de la réflexion économique en Grèce ancienne. À la lecture des passages que Platon, Aristote, Xénophon, Philodème de Gadara et quelques autres ont consacré à ce sujet, on découvrira une autre idée de l’économie que la nôtre, en tant que pratique et en tant que connaissance. Les traductions des textes présentés ont été revues et modifiées dans la plupart des cas, à la fois pour éviter les modernisations bien intentionnées mais souvent trompeuses, pour donner à percevoir l’homogénéité des questions débattues chez des auteurs distincts recourant au même vocabulaire, et pour être, d’abord et avant tout, au plus près possible des textes tout en tâchant de trouver la bonne distance qui nous sépare d’eux.

Il 19 febbraio 2015 faceva notizia la messa all'asta da parte della RR Auction di Boston, a partire da un'offerta base di 55 mila dollari, di una lettera di Albert Einstein: un anonimo collezionista avrebbe acquisito il prezioso cimelio -si sarebbe saputo il giorno successivo -per la cifra di 75 mila dollari. 1 La lettera (materialmente una cartolina), datata 17 luglio 1925 e indirizzata al fisico lucchese, docente alla Sapienza, Giovanni Giorgi, ha la particolarità di essere scritta in lingua italiana. 2 La notizia avrà messo al corrente non pochi lettori del fatto che il grande scienziato tedesco si cimentò in alcune occasioni con la nostra lingua, imparacchiata in gioventù durante alcuni soggiorni tra Pavia e Milano, in visita alla famiglia. Nel 1894 il padre Hermann aveva aperto in Lombardia, in società con il fratello Jakob e l'ingegnere italiano Lorenzo Garrone, una fabbrica di illuminotecnica. Albert era rimasto a Monaco, in casa di un parente, per concludere il triennio di studi al Luitpold Gymnasium, che tuttavia non porterà a termine perché abbandonerà anzitempo la scuola. 3 Il giovane Einsteinche sarebbe un giorno diventato, come è risaputo, uno dei più illustri e convinti esponenti del pacifismo internazionale -aveva maturato presto una forte avversione per l'impronta militaresca della scuola in Germania, organizzata in modo da infondere nei giovani un ferreo culto dell'autorità, secondo metodi che lo scienziato in seguito non avrebbe esitato a definire "da esercito prussiano". 4 Determinato a lasciare Monaco e la Germania, in vista delle vacanze natalizie del 1894 si fece fare dal medico di famiglia un certificato di esaurimento nervoso che gli consentì di allontanarsi dalla scuola e non farvi più ritorno. Raggiunta la famiglia in Italia, prese la deci-* Ringrazio Francesco Crifò, Rocco Luigi Nichil e Irene Rumine per una lettura in anteprima e le osservazioni che ne sono seguite.

This chapter discusses the impact of humanism, the reformation and the counter reformation on early modern institutions of education, with a particular focus on central Europe and the Iberian peninsula. The institutional landscape was in broad terms largely the same across
Europe: a secondary tier prepared students for a tertiary education based
on scholastic and humanist learning, rooted in a productive combination
of Greco-Roman and Christian traditions, which were also shaped in many
ways by Arabic and Jewish scholarship. Latin was important as a European lingua franca, despite the rise of Italian in the sixteenth century and French in the seventeenth century. What is particularly striking is the high number of schools. With the overarching frames of Christendom and
classical tradition ensuring a common frame of reference, learning might have appeared conservative locally, but from a bird’s-eye view, the educational landscape was rich and variegated, creating a relatively open market for ideas.

In the following text, three principal ways of conceptualising Europe are
briefly outlined: first, Europe as a geographical, social, political, and economic reality; second, Europe as a cognitive order of political, religious, and cultural ideas; and third, Europe as a named entity transmitted and discussed through representation in text and image. To be sure, distinguishing between these different ways of conceptualising Europe does not imply that these aspects can be studied in isolation—they are all intrinsically entangled.

Is the Catholic Church to blame for the Holocaust? Dr. Jack Frank Sigman, Ph.D. 4/6/2025 Many Holocaust and genocide scholars have attempted to come up with a unified answer as to how the Holocaust could have occurred. Why was it so easy to dehumanize Jews, to take away their humanity, so as to permit their slaughter in both personal (Holocaust by bullets) and industrial (death camps) methods? So far, there is no unification theory as to why so many willingly participated in the persecution of the Jews, spearheaded by Nazi Germany. Attempting to blame the Catholic Church as the sole inspiration counters any theory, and common sense, that there were many factors involved. However, that does not absolve the Church for its contribution to what is likely the ultimate exercise of evil in the 20 th century. Daniel Goldhagen's much criticized tome, Hitler's Willing Executioners, seemed to be the answer, but only because so many wanted it to be the answer: that there was something mentally and culturally wrong with most Germans. Saul Friedländer's theory of redemptive antisemitism, in Nazi Germany and the Jews, also comes to mind. However, James Waller, in Becoming Evil, without naming Goldhagen's or Friedländer's theories, refutes these theories in that studies of perpetrators showed no significant difference from anyone else in regards to intelligence, morality, social standing, or anything else meaningful.1 Martin Rhonheimer, aside from the unscholarly denigration of the work by Daniel Goldhagen and John Cornwell as being "devoid of historical foundation,"2 gives an in

Nёn ndikimin e letёrsisё ruse dhe falё adhurimit tё pamendueshёm perёndimor pёr gjithҫka ruse, ideja e shpirtit tё pakuptueshёm rus ёshtё pranuar gjerёsisht nё mbarё botёn si njё shpjegim pёr sjelljen iracionale dhe luftёnxitёse tё Moskёs. Duke e falur Kemlinin, Perёndimi e lё Rusinё t'i shpёtojё pёrgjegjёsisё pёr krimet e saj ndaj njerёzimit, ndёrsa nga ana tjetёr, i mundёson Moskёs tё fshehё mendёsinё e saj tё pafalshme imperialiste dhe programin e pushtimeve kolonialiste nёn maskёn e dashamirёsisё sё shpirtit rus. Letёrsia e madhe ruse dhe historia Nё kohёn e sotme, nё vazhdёn e sulmit nё shkallё tё gjerё tё Moskёs ndaj Ukrainёs, ҫdo diskutim pёr letёrsinё ruse, kulturёn dhe historinё e saj, shpejt ose vonё, prek njё dilemё morale ose logjike.

s-a născut la Blois, În 1886; În perioada 1909-19 12 ia contact cu doctrinele orientale, a căror coerenţă �i unitate de principii cu cre�tinismul va 1ncerca să le pună În evidenfă pentru a putea trezi 1n Occident fOrţele capabile să se opună decăderii acestuia. Î n 1928, afectat de moartea sOfiei sale, dar �i de neînţelegerea cu care fusese primit de către diferite medii franceze efortul său de a resuscita spiritul tradiţional, Guenon părăse�te Franp şi se stabileşte, În 1930, la Cairo, unde se va căsători cu o d.nără musulmană. Î n toată această perioadă va con tinua să scrie În limba franceză şi să publice 1n Franp; se săvâr �eşte din viaţă În 195 1. A Întreţinut o vastă corespondenfă cu trei gânditori români: Vasile Lovinescu, Marc-Mihail Avr amescu �i Mihai Vâlsan.

In 1969, Anselm Kiefer traveled through France and Italy and then published a series of photographs entitled "Besetzungen," or Occupations. These photographs depict the artist "occupying" different European sites, his right arm raised in the Hitler salute. 2 The series starts with Kiefer, shot from below as he stands on top of a government building, performing the Sieg Heil gesture, and ends with the artist facing the Baltic shore, his right arm again raised in the fascist "gesture of conquest." 3 We see Kiefer's back, and both setting and pose recall paintings by Caspar David Friedrich-not one of the mountain landscapes that Nazi artists copied with their granite quarries, but Friedrich's Wanderer above the Misty Sea (ca. 1818). This last shot of the series is preceded by two photographs of Kiefer-facing us as he stands first in front of the Colosseum, then inside (figure E.1). The photographs of Kiefer at the Colosseum follow upon a shot of him, standing amid the ruins of Paestum-those "Doric" temples that Speer admired so much on his Grand Tour to Italy in 1935. Kiefer introduces the theme of the Nazis' neo-Roman mimesis early in the series with two shots: the occupier in Arles's Roman graveyard and the artist in Montpellier, standing in front of

Renzo De Felice, Leo Valiani e gli amici azionisti edited by Rubbettino Editor, is a work of Eugenio Di Rienzo that explores the intellectual and political dynamics of a crucial period in Italian history through the figures of Renzo De Felice, Leo Valiani, and other exponents of the Action Party. The book aims to deepen the contribution of these intellectuals and activists to the political and cultural debate of their time, as well as their commitment to the Resistance and post-war reconstruction in Italy.The volume is rich in historical and intellectual insights, offering a detailed look at the personal and professional lives of De Felice, one of the most important historians of fascism, and Valiani, a key figure in the Italian Resistance. Through letters, diaries, and archival documents, the book reconstructs the dialogue between these intellectuals and their commitment to a democratic and republican Italy.
The author adopts an academic approach, but the language remains accessible and engaging. There is a balance between historical rigor and compelling narration, allowing the reader to immerse themselves not only in historical facts but also in the lives and thoughts of the protagonists. This work significantly contributes to the understanding of Italian political history in the 20th century, highlighting the role of the Action Party and its intellectuals. The choice to focus on De Felice and Valiani offers a unique perspective on the challenges faced by those who fought to transform Italy into a democratic state.

Renzo De Felice, Leo Valiani, and the Azionist Friends is essential reading for anyone interested in Italian political history and the contribution of intellectuals to the construction of democracy. The accuracy of the research and the depth of the analysis make this work an important reference point for scholars and history enthusiasts.

Apesar de o processo de pacificação da Europa ter tido início nos anos 50, foi a queda do Muro de Berlim, em 1989, que originou um crescimento exponencial de publicações vocacionadas para a descrição e explicação deste fenómeno. Após o entusiasmo teórico inicial, o actual decréscimo dos produtos da investigação é inversamente proporcional ao crescimento de laços de integração na União Europeia. Este artigo defende que as velhas ferramentas epistemológicas de compreensão da pacificação da Europa se tornaram obsoletas por estarem enraizadas num contexto regional ultrapassado. De forma a ultrapassar esta limitação, apresenta-se um novo quadro de interpretação baseado na ideia de Paz Regional e Aglomerados de Segurança (PRAS). A PRAS Europeia é abordada numa perspectiva histórica e abrangente. Desde a emergência da "ideia de Europa" com o Império Romano, a história da Europa tem sido, uma história de guerra entre micro-e macro-entidades políticas em luta pelo poder, pelo domínio e pela influência. Das setenta e cinco guerras inter-estatais levadas a cabo entre 1815 e 1993, trinta e uma envolveram um ou mais estados europeus de um dos lados. Dos 31 milhões de baixas em todas as guerras inter-estatais neste período, 25 milhões registaram-se em trinta e uma guerras entre estados europeus . Apesar deste passado desolador, a Europa viveu, ainda assim, períodos pacíficos no passado. A Escandinávia, por exemplo, manteve-se à margem de práticas violentas durante longos períodos. A Islândia está em paz desde 1262, a Noruega entre 1371-1612 e entre 1814-1940 e a Suécia,

Στην "Επισκόπηση τῆς πολιτικῆς μου σταδιοδρομίας"  ο ίδιος ενημερώνει τον Τσάρο Νικόλαο Β΄ για τον διάλογο που είχε με τον Αυτοκράτορα: «…Δυνάμεθα παρά ταῦτα, Μεγαλειότατε, χωρίς να ἐξέλθωμεν τῆς γραμμῆς ἥν ἐχαράξατε, να πράξωμεν κάτι τι δι’ αὐτούς. Οἱ Ἄγγλοι ἵδρυσαν ἤδη ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἑταιρείαν με τον φαινομενικόν σκοπόν την περισυλλογήν και προστασίαν τῶν ἀρχαιοτήτων. Ἄς ἀκολουθήσωμεν το παράδειγμα τοῦτο ἐφαρμόζοντες αὐτό οὐχί προκειμένου περί τοῦ παρελθόντος ἀλλά περί τοῦ παρόντος και τοῦ μέλλοντος, και παρέχοντες βοήθειαν τινα εἰς τούς πτωχούς Ἕλληνας νέους τούς διψῶντας παιδείας…»
Με τον έμμεσο αυτόν τρόπο ο Καποδίστριας και ο Ιγνάτιος υπενθύμισαν σε όλη την Ευρώπη ότι ο ελληνικός λαός ήταν πάντα ζωντανός και τους ζητούσαν την οικονομική βοήθειά τους για τον διαφωτισμό των Ελλήνων, ο οποίος θα οδηγούσε στην πολιτική αναγέννηση του Έθνους. Η Εταιρεία των Φίλων των Μουσών ιδρύθηκε στην Βιέννη το 1815 και ετέθη υπό την προστασία του Μητροπολίτη Ιγνάτιου.

Erdoğans ewiger Staatsstreich hat einen neuen Höhepunkt erreicht: Am 19. März wurde der Istanbuler Bürgermeister Ekrem Imamoğlu festgenommen. Auf diesen Putsch folgten die größten Massenmobilisierungen der Türkei seit 2013. Eine Analyse der Eskalation von Alp Kayserilioğlu.

Over time, Aletta Hanemans's skirt in the Portrait of Aletta Hanemans (1625) by Frans Hals (c.1580-1666) has lost its colour and tonal contrasts. The degradation of pigments-smalt, red lakes and lead white-has resulted in a loss of modelling. This study aimed to investigate the skirt's original appearance, utilising an interdisciplinary approach that integrates technical examination of the painting, pigment analysis and historical research. A combination of X-ray fluorescence imaging spectroscopy, analysis of microsamples and a review of historical art techniques led to an improved understanding of Hals's palette and the specific pigments he used in this painting. By undertaking a methodical reconstruction of the skirt section using historically appropriate materials and techniques, this research provides insights into the artist's working methods. The final result suggests a possible recreation of the artistic effects that might have been intended by Hals.

Europe's first commercial TV station as transnational experiment* The story of Tele-Saar, the commercial TV station providing both German and Frenchspeaking audiences in the Saarland with programmes funded by advertising in the mid-1950's, constitutes a most interesting episode of European broadcasting historywhether from a technical, an economic, a cultural or a political history perspective. The establishment of the ''Saarländische Fernseh AG'' on 17 May 1952 marked not just the beginning of private commercial broadcasting in the Saarland, at that time under French economic administration, but also a special chapter of post-war French and German broadcasting history -at a time when commercial radio and television were forbidden both in France's Fourth Republic and in West Germany. In both countries, the concept of public broadcasting had prevailed in the aftermath of the Second World War, with its monopolistic dominance defended by politicians through to the 1980's. In the whole of Germany and France? As in the comic world of Goscinny and Uderzo 1 , the Saarland can be seen as that strip of the Franco-German border region where everything was a bit different. The aim of this contribution is to look at why this was the case, studying the background of this private-sector initiative and its long-term consequences. Though the focus is on the 1950's, to really do justice to its exceptional status and media history importance, the story of the Saarländische Fernseh AG needs to be seen within the extended context of Franco-German and European broadcasting history. After giving a brief historical introduction into the structure of German and French broadcasting at that time and the Franco-German skirmishes during the ups and downs of the broadcasting history of the two countries, I will be looking at the run-up to the creation of the Saarländische Fernseh AG and its actual establishment. In doing so, I will be presenting the key players, i.e. the ones who sat at the negotiating * This article offers a drastically shortened English version of a book chapter originally published in a three volume series on the history of media in the Saarland in 2010. While this article concentrates on the emergence and short life of the private television station Tele-Saar, the original version mainly focused on the history of the commercial radio station Europe n. 1.

Dans le cadre de l’examen de l’histoire des institutions militaires des États de Savoie et de la relation des leurs personnalités militaires avec les États et nations voisins, la présente communication vise à éclairer les portraits des militaires éminents provenant du Royaume de Sardaigne (1720-1861) qui ont abandonné les rangs de leur armée afin de combattre pour la libération de la Grèce du joug ottoman en 1821. Au cours de l'Ère des révolutions qui a ébranlée la Méditerranée, la lutte grecque, qui a conduit à la naissance du premier État indépendant en Europe au XIXe siècle, a attiré des militaires professionnels de Savoie, Turin, Gênes et d’autres villes de ce Royaume, dont la plupart sont morts sur les théâtres de la guerre pour la liberté hellénique. Idéologues romantiques, vétérans des guerres napoléoniennes et diffuseurs des valeurs de la Révolution française à tous les coins du monde, déserteurs militaires ou fugitifs condamnés in absentia dans leur pays natal, les philhellènes du Royaume de Sardaigne, ainsi que le révèle le biographe Suisse des combattants philhellènes, Herni Fornèsy, forment un groupe volumineux de plus de 40 personnes dans ses catalogues manuscrits divers. Le but de la communication est donc, sur la base des informations que ces listes nous fournissent, et en combinaison notamment avec de bibliographie grecque, française, mais aussi italienne, de discerner les raisons qui ont conduit ces personnages à la « migration » militaire, d’illuminer leur apport au combat grec, mais aussi la reconnaissance qu’ils ont reçue par l’État grec ; faire connaître, en un mot, au public de ce colloque, la contribution de ces combattants à l’autel international de la liberté.

Πιεστικά ερωτήματα εμφανίστηκαν από τα πρώτα βήματα της δράσης των Φιλικών στην Οδησσό στα 1816 και οι απαντήσεις τους στα ερωτήματα αυτά υπήρξαν κατά περίπτωση συγκεκριμένες, αποσπασματικές, εμπιστευτικές, ασαφείς, αντιφατικές και απόκρυφες. Μια έντονη φημολογία αποτέλεσε το χαρακτηριστικό
γνώρισμα των συζητήσεων μεταξύ των ομογενών για την Παλιγγενεσία, την Εταιρεία, την Ρωσία, τον Καποδίστρια και την προοπτική του Αγώνα. Τα ερωτήματα ήταν περισσότερα από
τις απαντήσεις, οι οποίες - κατά περίπτωση και περίσταση - υπήρχαν, όσο ήταν εφικτό και πρέπον να δοθούν. Η εξάπλωση της Εταιρείας συνήθως επαφίονταν περισσότερο στις πεποιθήσεις του κατηχούμενου και στις πατριωτικές επαγγελίες του κατηχητή του, στην εμπιστοσύνη του κατηχούμενου στην εύλογη ανάγκη μυστικότητας που πρόβαλε ο κατηχητής του. Ο Ν. Σπηλιάδης υπήρξε η κατεξοχήν περίπτωση ενός σκεπτικιστή κατηχούμενου, όπου η
πατριωτική επαγγελία και η εμπιστοσύνη στους κατηχητές ήταν το αντικείμενο μιας αφόρητης προσωπικής ταλάντευσης μέχρι την έναρξη του Αγώνα.
Το πλούσιο έργο του Σπηλιάδη, ενός αγωνιστή και μετέπειτα συνεργάτη του Κυβερνήτη, μας δίνει την ευκαιρία να ερευνήσουμε το πόσο κατανοητές ήταν οι προ-επαναστατικές επιδιώξεις του Καποδίστρια σ’ έναν ευρύ πατριωτικό κύκλο της Οδησσού και πόσο επιδρά σ’ αυτόν τον κύκλο το αφήγημα των Φιλικών. Στην πραγματικότητα θα αναζητηθεί πόσο έγκυρη ήταν η πληροφόρηση που είχε ο Σπηλιάδης και ο κοινωνικός κύκλος του για την προσέγγιση
Καποδίστρια αναφορικά με την επίλυση του Ελληνικού ζητήματος. Στον βαθμό αυτό θα επιχειρηθεί μια αναπαράσταση του πληροφοριακού περιβάλλοντος του Σπηλιάδη προκειμένου να εντοπιστούν οι δυσκολίες κατανόησης που παρήγαγαν ελλειπτικές προσλαμβάνουσες
παραστάσεις των αντιλήψεων Καποδίστρια για την προ-επαναστατική προετοιμασία. Εξετάζοντας την αυθεντική, δια χειρός Σπηλιάδη, μαρτυρία του για την σχέση του με την Εταιρεία, αναδεικνύονται ανάγλυφα οι περιορισμοί μέσα στους οποίους κινούνταν όχι μόνο
κατηχητές και κατηχούμενοι, αλλά επιπλέον η ίδια η υλοποίηση της προ-επαναστατικής προετοιμασίας σε συνθήκες οργανωτικών στεγανών.------- Pressing questions arose from the first steps of the “Society of Friends” action in Odessa in 1816, and their answers to these questions were, in each case, specific, fragmentary, confidential, vague, contradictory, and cryptic. The Spiliades work, a revolutionary and later Governor Kapodistrias’ State Secretary, gives us the opportunity to investigate how of Kapodistrias's pre-revolutionary perspectives were perceived by a broad Greek patriotic circle in Odessa and how much the narrative of the “Society of Friends” affected this circle. In fact, we will seek to determine how valid the information that Spiliades and his social circle had about Kapodistrias' approach to the resolution of the Greek question was. To this extent, a representation of Spiliades' information environment will be attempted in order to identify these difficulties.

The idea of a unified European identity was once the hallmark of the Left, envisioned as a post-nationalist, multicultural, and civic framework built upon economic integration and human rights. Yet, the Right has successfully reclaimed and redefined European identity, grounding it in cultural traditionalism, Christian heritage, and civilizational defense. This shift has not only deepened ideological divisions but also reshaped the political landscape of the European Union. As the Left retreats from its own vision, the question remains: can progressives reclaim European identity, or has it been permanently redefined by the forces they once opposed?

Le sociologue Steffen Mau présente ce petit ouvrage comme « son grain de sel » (« meine Intervention », p. 127) qu'il met dans la polémique qui agite les médias allemands depuis que Dirk Oschmann a fait paraître son pamphlet Der Osten, eine westdeutsche Erfindung (« L'Est, une invention ouest-allemande ») en 2023 1 . Sa rédaction s'inscrit également dans le contexte des élections régionales en Saxe, en Thuringe et dans le Brandebourg à l'automne 2024, qui ont consacré le parti d'extrême-droite AfD comme un parti de tout premier ordre en Allemagne de l'Est. Mau revendique le fait de ne pas raisonner en sociologue sur les différences entre les deux Allemagnes trente-cinq ans après l'unification nationale. Il propose bien plutôt, à destination du « grand public », un « opuscule politique portant sur la société, la politique et la démocratie en Allemagne de l'Est » (p. 14) qui vise à inverser triplement les perspectives sur celle-ci. Son objectif premier est de réfuter la thèse du « professeur de littérature allemande » (« Literaturwissenschaftler », p. 33) Oschmann, selon laquelle l'Allemagne de l'Est en tant que phénomène politique, social et culturel serait une pure « invention » de l'Ouest -en vue de la 1 Dirk Oschmann, Der Osten, eine westdeutsche Erfindung, cf. la recension d'Anne-Marie Pailhès dans le blog ainsi que les extraits traduits en français.

TESTO liberamente fruibile di PLAC, dalle iniziali delle quattro famiglie piacentine coinvolte nel tirannicidio di Pier Luigi Farnese (1547), cioè Pallavicino, Landi, Anguissola, Confalonieri. Sono questi i protagonisti delle pagine successive: famiglie spesso imparentate fra di loro, con intrecci quasi incestuosi. Soprattutto la famiglia Landi, per i suoi rapporti con letterati e artisti dell'epoca, viene studiata con ampia documentazione finora inedita.

The fact that to this day, the systematic and malicious interference of the Kremlin in the affairs and relations of sovereign states has not ceased.
Once, it was done by the Russian Empire, then these methods were refined and used by the communist regime, and now, for almost a quarter of a century, they have been actively employed by Putin's empire. By fueling and distorting history with lies and insinuations, Russia makes any interethnic understanding and normalization of international relations impossible. The facts presented here, along with the declassified documents and all gathered evidence, are intended to prevent modern Russia’s destructive attempts to misinform the broader Western audience, distort world history, and influence Western policy. Those who oppose this distortion of the truth face pressure from Russian officials and become targets of Putinland’s defamatory propaganda.

In the context of rule of law backsliding the technique of combiden
provision has been used to enucleate the principle of nonregression
and put it at the service of European law. In Repubblika case, the Court of Justice ruled that a combined reading of Articles 2 and 49 TEU requires Member States not to amend their legislation after accession in a way that would entail a regression in the protection of the rule of law.
The purpose of this article is, after analysing the main lines of the
Repubblika judgment, to examine the cases in which the principle of
non-regression has been applied by the Court of Justice to date and to
examine the innovative and constitutional scope of the principle of
non-regression in the legal order of the European Union. The article
explores the possibility that from the combined provisions of Articles
2 and 49 TEU derives the principle of progression. It is particularly
useful in cases of ‘conditional’ accession of a state to the Union (as in
the case of Romania and Bulgaria) and in cases of future enlargements
of the Union.

Η διερεύνηση της προ-επαναστατικής προετοιμασίας, τουλάχιστον ως προς την εξέλιξη του πολιτικού υποκείμενου της ελληνικής επανάστασης, οφείλει υποχρεωτικά να αντιμετωπίσει δύο σημαντικές
προκλήσεις: 
Πρώτο, να υπερβεί τον εγκλωβισμό της στον ασφυκτικά στενό  χρονικό ορίζοντα της περιόδου 1814-1821, καθώς αποτελεί μέρος μιας ενιαίας επαναστατικής διαδικασίας, η αφετηρία της οποίας βρίσκεται μισό αιώνα πίσω, στα 1768, δηλαδή κατά πολύ προγενέστερη της γαλλικής επανάστασης.
Δεύτερο, να αντιμετωπίσει το «Ελληνικό ζήτημα» όχι ως ένα τοπικό πρόβλημα χειραφέτησης, αλλά ως ένα κατεξοχήν διεθνές ζήτημα και, άρα, την προ-επαναστατική προετοιμασία ως μια κατεξοχήν διεθνή διαπραγμάτευση, μέρος της οποίας, de facto και διαχρονικά, είναι o ελληνικός παράγοντας.
Η έμφαση στις δύο αυτές διαστάσεις διερευνά τους διεθνείς παράγοντες που μετέχουν στην διαμόρφωση των ευρωπαϊκών εξελίξεων και παράλληλα τον ειδικό ρόλο του ελληνικού παράγοντα στις διαδικασίες μιας πρωτίστως διεθνούς διαπραγμάτευσης στο Ανατολικό ζήτημα.  Η εξέταση της περιόδου αυτής του ελληνικού ζητήματος ακριβώς στην διεθνή και εσωτερική πτυχή συνδέεται αναπόδραστα με τρία διακριτά αλλά αλληλένδετα θεμελιώδη ερευνητικά αντικείμενα: τον Ιωάννη Καποδίστρια, την Εταιρεία των Φίλων και τον Αλέξανδρο Υψηλάντη. Μ' αφορμή την φετινή εθνική επέτειο της ελληνικής επανάστασης η δημοσίευση, βασισμένη σε προηγούμενες εργασίες, συνοψίζει την προσέγγιση του Ι. Καποδίστρια για την προ-επαναστατική προετοιμασία, όπως αναρτήθηκε στην ιστοσελίδα της Εταιρείας "Ο Στράβων" στις 25 Μαρτίου 2025. (https://www.stravonas.gr/z_Aleifantis1.pdf)
***

The investigation of the pre-revolutionary preparation, at least in terms of the development of the political subject of the Greek revolution, must necessarily face two important challenges:
First, to overcome its confinement in the suffocatingly narrow time horizon of the period 1814-1821, as it is part of a single revolutionary process, the starting point of which is half a century back, in 1768, that is, much earlier than the French revolution.
Second, to face the "Greek question" not as a local problem of emancipation, but as a par excellence international issue and, therefore, the pre-revolutionary preparation as a par excellence international negotiation, part of which, de facto and diachronically, is the Greek factor.
The emphasis on these two dimensions explores the international actors that participate in the shaping of European developments and at the same time the special role of the Greek actor in the processes of a primarily international negotiation on the Eastern question. The examination of this period of the Greek question precisely in its international and internal aspects is inextricably linked to three distinct but interrelated fundamental research objects: Ioannis Kapodistrias, the Society of Friends and Alexander Ypsilantis. On the occasion of this year's national anniversary of the Greek revolution, the publication, based on previous works, summarizes I. Kapodistrias' approach to pre-revolutionary preparation, as posted on the website of the "Stravo" Society on March 25, 2025 (https://www.stravonas.gr/z_Aleifantis1.pdf)

This article recovers a fifteenth-century debate over the meaning of the category "conversos." Departing from the standard account, in which "conversos" is seen as a neutral category designating Jewish ancestry, we demonstrate that in fifteenth-century Castile, the question of "who is a converso?" had a much less certain answer. Rather than a consistent view of how Jewish converts and their descendants should be classified, contemporary discourses reveal a myriad of options and a deep sense of consciousness about the implications of terminological choices. Drawing on a large range of historical sources, we analyze this terminological struggle, while paying special attention to the debates that followed the revolt of Toledo of 1449. We examine the arguments made by those who sought-or resisted-labeling the descendants of Jews as "conversos" or "neophytes." Furthermore, we explain how debates over such labels were linked to broader interpretations of the meaning of conversion from Judaism to Christianity. Finally, we demonstrate that although the descent-based interpretation of "conversos" eventually prevailed, the problem of classifying Christians of Jewish descent continued to haunt political discourses well into the reign of Isabel I and Fernando II (1474-1504). We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of Speculum for their feedback and comments and Katherine L. Jansen for her editorial guidance. 1 We cannot do justice here to the immense scholarship in this field. For a few examples of studies dealing with the broad impacts of the mass conversions and the converso phenomena, see Yosef Kaplan, An

In 1927, the American composer George Gershwin wrote the songs for a musical; his brother Ira Gershwin contributed the lyrics. The story, written by George S. Kaufman, portrays an American cheese manufacturer who manages to get the US government to impose prohibitive import tariffs on foreign competitors. The cheese country of Switzerland acts up and imposes retaliatory tariffs – whereupon the US Armed Forces, under the leadership of the businessman, march into Swiss territory. In my “Magazin” essay, I paid tribute to Gershwin's attempt to confront the popular culture of the interwar period with important political issues. I discuss the obstacles this musical had to overcome on its way to Broadway in New York and show how it ended up in Switzerland more than 70 years later, at an inopportune time. Today, however, its significance is obvious.
1927 schrieb der US-amerikanische Komponist George Gershwin die Songs für ein Musical; sein Bruder Ira Gershwin steuerte die Texte bei. Die Story aus der Feder von George S. Kaufman schildert einen amerikanischen Käsefabrikanten, der erwirkt, dass die US-Regierung prohibitive Importzölle auf ausländische Konkurrenzprodukte verhängt. Das Käse-Land Schweiz gibt sich renitent und verhängt Retorsionszölle – woraufhin die US Armed Forces unter der Führung des Businessman in der Schweiz einmarschieren. In meinem «Magazin»-Essay würdigte ich Gershwins Versuch, die Populärkultur der Zwischenkriegszeit auf anspruchsvolle Weise mit wichtigen politischen Fragen zu konfrontieren. Ich gehe auf die Widerstände ein, die dieses Musical auf seinem Weg zum New Yorker Broadway überwinden musste und ich zeige, wie es mehr als 70 Jahre später, zur Unzeit, in der Schweiz landete. Heute liegt seine Brisanz allerdings offen zutage.

okan vártunk régóta egy összefoglaló munkára a magyar turanizmus történetéről. E gondolkodásmód jelentős szerepet játszott a 20. század első felének magyar politikai s még inkább kulturális vonulatai között, nyomai soha nem tűntek el teljesen. A rendszerváltás óta jól érzékelhetően, az utóbbi években pedig kifejezetten látványosan visszatért a közéleti beszédbe. Mint Ablonczy írja, ennek a hagyománynak az elemei velünk élnek, és erősebben hatnak, mint hinnénk, ma is "egy meghiúsult álom díszletei között élünk". Ugyanakkor, néhány fontos munkától eltekintve, alig van szakirodalma ennek e témának -talán azért is, mert ahhoz, hogy megszülessen ez a könyv, a szerzőnek komoly adatföltárást kellett végeznie levéltárakban, múzeumokban, családi archívumokban: naplók, levelek, jegyzőkönyvek, meghívók, följegyzések, hírlap-és folyóiratcikkek sokaságának átolvasására, kijegyzetelésére volt szükség, hogy kezünkbe vehessük a turanizmus történeti-eszmetörténeti megközelítésű leírását. Szükségtelen hát magyarázni, hogy a könyv hiánypótló. A hiányt többféleképpen lehetett volna pótolni. Kaphattunk volna egy részletes, kronologikusan bemutatott leltárt arról, mikor, milyen céllal alakultak, s aztán hogyan működtek a turanista mozgalom különféle szervezetei, mikor mi történt velük, mikor, melyiknek ki volt a nagyvezére (elnöke), szövetségnagya (titkára), kincstárnoka (pénztárosa), rovója (jegyzője), mi történt az ősgyűléseken * A szerző a SZTE BTK Kulturális Örökség és Humán Információtudományi Tanszék munkatársa.

In 1983, with the publication of the Critique of Modern Textual Criticism, Professor Jerome McGann dropped a bombshell on the world of textual criticism and scholarly editing. By asking tough, hard questions about social, institutional, and collaborative factors in the creative process, the Critique unseated the prevailing structure of attention that documentary editors of literary works gave to the author and the author's intentions. In the aftermath of his Critique, a variety of alternative paths opened. Scholars began vigorously exploring new ways of conceptualizing scholarly editions in general and this activity, in turn, helped stimulate new ways of conceptualizing archives and special collections of primary sources and how they could be incorporated in research, teaching, and particularly in the edition-making process. Many of our current interests and concerns in the humanities in higher education-our fascination with the glamour of digitizing; our fear in the age of Amazon and Google that special collections may be the most, if not the only, distinctive quality of research libraries; our desire to expose hidden collections; our wrestling match over whether libraries are becoming publishers and publishers are becoming libraries-all of these issues can be better illuminated and understood when seen in the light of the revolution that McGann helped articulate and stimulate twenty-five years ago. Why?

In today's Europe hardly does anyone give a second thought to in which letters they write because it is almost invariably the Latin alphabet, apart from Cyrillic in Bulgaria or Ukraine, and the Greek alphabet in Cyprus and Greece. Yet, until the Holocaust, Hebrew was the continent's third largest script by the number of users. Letters and Words In postwar Europe next to no attention has been paid to languages, let alone script. With a couple of exceptions, the norm coalesced that a proper nation-state comes complete with its own distinctive national language. In Portugal the Portuguese language plays this role, in France French, in the Netherlands Netherlandish, in Hungary Hungarian. Similarly, before the polities fractured, in Yugoslavia 'Yugoslavian' (that is, Serbo-Croatian) was official, or Russian in the Soviet Union. The aforementioned exceptions, where a language does not define a state and its nation, include, the officially quadrilingual Switzerland, German-speaking Austria, or the use of French and Netherlandish in Belgium. Between 1968 and 1992, also bilingual Czechoslovakia belonged to this group of 'oddballs.'

The congress aims to assess the relationship between public finance, policies, and economic performance from the beginning of the Late Middle Ages to the end of the Early Modern Period in Western Europe with the following thematic strands:
1. To analyse the impact of fiscal systems on the dynamics of market integration and economic growth, in connection with institutional developments and the consolidation of state tools for management public finances and economic policies.
2. The study of the relationship between public finances and economic growth and decline
3. To deepen our understanding of the relationships between inequality, economic structures, gender gap and political change.