Early Modern economic and social history

The late medieval urban order in the two Romanian principalities
of Wallachia and Moldavia underwent two significant transformations
in the eighteenth century, both instigated by princes. Initially, they sought
to reinforce their power and secure the support of the Church and the great
boyars, which led them to sacrifice the towns and take over the land that
surrounded them. The townspeople were directly affected, because this
had an impact on their livelihoods, with some of their sources of income
being drastically diminished or even eliminated. By 1800, however, the
outlook had changed. The influence of the Enlightenment and the French
Revolution altered perceptions and towns began to thrive again.

Summary.
The brethren Johan and Cornelis de Wyse lived in the town of Breda. John lived from 1636 until 1725, his younger brother Cornelis from 1640 until 1704. John and Cornelis were clever merchants. They spread the risk over different economic sectors. John travelled to Gdansk (Danzig) to buy ingredients for his soap manufacture. They were active everywhere and especially John was an important member of the Breda society. As they were Roman Catholic they could not become a member of the city council. All positions in government were reserved for members of the state protected Reformed Church. Johan married Ida van Rucphen. Her brother was one of the many stewards of the prince of Orange, the lord of Breda and its Barony. The brethren invested the money they did not need for their living mainly in land and farms. As John and Ida realized they would die childless, they decided to found a still existing monastery of Capuchin friars just across the border with the Spanish Netherlands in Meersel-Dreef. They were buried in the church. The relation with the Order of Capuchins was intense and existed until 1797. Cornelis was steward of the monastery Vredenberg (Mount of Peace) situated originally near Breda. Because of the Eighty Years War the nuns had fled to the town of Lier south of Antwerp but they kept their possessions in Breda. The title of the article is 'Doing business across borders'. That was just what the brethren did. The original version of this article has been published in the Yearbook De Oranjeboom (= The Orange Tree), vol. 55 (2002), p. 142-180. It was thoroughly revised in April 2025 and published on academia.edu. Revised edition April 2025.

Por otra parte, es tambien una gran satisfacciOn que el Institute pueda editar nuevamente la Revista Estudios de Historia de EspaPia, que no salia a la luz desde la jubilacion de su hacedora, la "Doctora", como cariflosamente la llamamos sus discipulos. Debo agradecer esta edicion, en primer lugar, a todos aquellos prestigiosos investigadores, que confiaron en nosotros y nos entregaron su colaboracion desinteresada:

Zagreb, Hrvatska UDK: 94(497.5:450 Venezia)"14" Izvorni znanstveni rad Prihvaćeno: 12. ožujka 2016. U radu je prikazan jedan primjer neuobičajene plovidbe trgovačkog jedrenjaka iz prve polovice 15. stoljeća u čemu su sudjelovala dva pomorca iz hrvatskih krajeva. Slučaj je zanimljiv zbog toga što je plovilo dospjelo do krajnjih granica tada poznatog svijeta -na jugu do Kanarskih otoka, a na sjeveru do Lofotskog otočja. Stečena saznanja ugrađena su u jedan od najvažnijih kartografskih spomenika kasnog srednjeg vijeka. Osim toga, na povratku su preživjeli posjetili Ivana VI. Frankopana u Švedskoj. Ključne riječi: hrvatski pomorci, Mletačka Republika, Kanarski otoci, Lofotski otoci, portulanske karte. Nazočnost pomoraca iz hrvatskih krajeva na mletačkim brodovima bila je činjenica odavno poznata i obrađena u historiografskim djelima. Međutim, u prošlosti je pozornost bila usmjerena na njihove ratne zgode u sastavu posada ratne mornarice Republike Sv. Marka, a tek u posljednje vrijeme porastao je udjel prikaza naših ljudi ukrcanih na trgovačke jedrenjake i druga plovila koja su se kretala po cijelom Sredozemlju, ali i izvan njega -sve do Sjevernog mora. 1 U ovom radu pokušat ćemo dati potpun prikaz jedne plovidbe koja je prešla uobičajene granice doplovljavanja tih brodova i naših članova njihovih posada. Veze Mletaka s lukama na Sjevernom moru uspostavljene su u 13. stoljeću, i to s dvadesetak godina kašnjenja za Đenovom. To je bilo drugo od šest (ili sedam) regionalnih tržišta na koja je upućivan jednak broj odreda trgovačkih galija koji su bili pod većim ili manjim stupnjem kontrole Mletačke Republike. 2 Jedini konvoj 1

Throughout his military career, Jacek Boratyński served in one formation – the winged hussars (husaria). Between 1666 and 1676, he was a companion (towarzysz) in two hussars’ banners (companies): initially in one of Aleksander Michał Lubomirski, Voivode of Krakow, then after 1668 in that of Jan Sobieski, Grand Marshal and Grand Crown (Polish) Hetman (since 1674 King John III). In 1676 he became lieutenant in the hussars’ banner of Jan Gniński, Voivode of Chełmno (since 1682 Crown Vice-Chancellor). In this capacity, as an officer of Polish lancers, he took part in Gniński’s mission to Istanbul (1677–1678) and in the relief operation of Vienna in 1683. He was part of the group of soldiers that were under patronage of Grand Crown Hetman Stanisław Jabłonowski. Between 1676 and 1696 (exact date unknown), Boratyński was one of the commanders in charge of the hetman’s cavalry regiment (pułk). Thanks to military service and patronage, especially of Gniński, he received land office ranks: first Cupbearer (cześnik) of Sanok, then Deputy Cupbearer (podczaszy) of Żydaczów. His military service offers a perfect benchmark for biographical studies of other crown officers of the same rank.

Unlike its small sibling,1 the so-called Large Clive Album has never attracted much scholarly attention. Except for several single miniatures that have been analysed and published in various contexts, the album as a complete entity has not yet been thoroughly studied. This is astonishing in the light of the historical importance of the two principal figures traditionally associated with this muraqqaʿ-Sir Robert Clive (1725-1774) and Nawab Shujaʿ al-Dawla (1732-1775), governor of Awadh (r. 1754-1775) and prime minister (wazīr) of the Mughal empire.2 However, this lack of interest might be partly explained by the album's heterogeneous content and the uneven quality of its visual material. The Large Clive Album was given to the British government in lieu of inheritance tax and allocated to the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1964;3 before then, it had been housed in the library of Powis Castle in Wales, which served as the family seat of Robert Clive and his descendants for nearly two centuries.4 In addition to the Large Album, Clive's collection included two other albumsthat is, the Small Clive Album and a now dispersed third album. Furthermore, he owned twenty-three separately mounted miniatures as well as a hunting scene by Mir Kalan Khan, which was 'undoubtedly commissioned' by Shujaʿ al-Dawla, according to Robert Skelton.5 Due to a lack of written documentation, it is not clear how Clive acquired the three albums.6 It is generally believed, however, that the Large Clive Album originally belonged to Shujaʿ al-Dawla.7

This article considers the relevance of hypotheses developed in the "law and economics" literature regarding settlement/trial decisions in the Ottoman Empire. In particular, it explores the applicability of the "selection principle" and "50 percent plaintiff win-rate" formulated by George Priest and Benjamin Klein. The article also demonstrates how existing research based on Ottoman court records can contribute to the "law and economics" scholarship, which is dominated by research based on modern, Western contexts. The article utilizes the court records from eighteenth-century Kastamonu to make observations about settlement/litigation decisions in an Ottoman context.

Throughout the high to late Middle Ages and up to the modern period, fairs played an important role in the development of the European economy and especially in the trans-regional exchange of goods. In order to understand the radical expansion of money markets and the transformation of exchange that occurred in the late Middle Ages and the first centuries of the early modern period that made the role of fairs so important in the economy, the CoMOR project focuses on the period between the decline of the classic fairs at Champagne beginning around 1350 and the emergence of fairs dedicated to finance and money exchange in the seventeenth century, with a particular emphasis on the fairs of France, Germany, and the north of Italy. Funded by the French Agence nationale de la recherche and its German equivalent, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, the principal investigators Jean-Louis Gaulin and Susanne Rau made an online, collaborative database to record and support the research central to the project. This database needed to respond to the goals of the project and its various contributors, as well as providing a platform for future collaboration. This article presents the database-hosted at with the decisions taken to respond to the project, the contributor requirements, and the opportunities that it offers to users. 1

Vineyards of Nobles and Serfs in the Towns of the Domain
of Tokay in the 18t h
and 19t h
Centuries
Significant changes took place in the production and trade of wine in Tokay
in the 18t h
and 19T H
centuries. The changes affected the local and not local ("extra
neus") wine producers. Despite the negative processes there were wine growers
among the aristocracy and lesser nobility who obtained large grapewine planta
tions and sold their wines in local inns, and significant quantities of wine were ex
ported as well. The majority of the wine producers, however, were smallholders
who had a tiny piece of land only. These small vineyards were unsuited to profi
table cultivation, and an increasing number of smallholders abandoned the vine
yards. The crisis of wine production was demonstrated even more dramatically by
the fact that the rich burghers of the free royal towns of the Highlands also with
drew from grapevine cultivation.

The information we have regarding the Karaites in Ottoman Egypt is limited as little has been written about their history during this period. 1 The period between the middle of the nineteenth century and the extinction of the Karaite community in Egypt in 1956 has been studied by several scholars, 2 some of whom are descendants of 1 This paper was written as part of my research project, "The Karaites in Egypt, Palestine and Syria in the Ottoman Period," supported by the Ben-Zvi Institute and the Universal Karaite Judaism Association. I wish to thank Dr. Rachel Hasson-Kenat, my research colleague, as well as Dr. Amir Ashur, Dr. Nadia Vidro, Dr. Oded Zinger, Rabbi Dr. Moshe Firouz, and the anonymous referee for their comments. Special thanks to Prof. Miriam Goldstein for her kind support which helped me see the article through. The scribes who handwrote the quoted manuscripts did not add diacritical marks systematically in order to ease the reading of Judaeo-Arabic words. Therefore, I added diacritical marks where necessary to facilitate the reading. 2 For example, Jean-François Faü, "Les karaïtes: une communauté cairote à l'heure de l'Etat-nation," Egypte/Monde Arabe 11 (1992): 47-58; William M. Brinner, "The Egyptian Karaite Community in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Studies in Judaica, Karaitica and Islamica, Presented to Leon Nemoy on His Eightieth Birthday, ed. Sheldon R. Brunswick (Ramat Gan; Bar-Ilan University Press, 1982), 127-44; Joel 'Ervat Davar: Divorce Among the Karaites in Ottoman Egypt 'Ervat Davar: Divorce Among the Karaites in Ottoman Egypt 130 Prov. 21:30. EH: ‫ובריתו‬ ‫בתורתו‬ ‫וגו'‬ ‫תבונה‬ ‫.ואין‬ 131 This is the point from which Kinzī Dimashqī's summary begins. 132 Has to be ‫,ת'ש'ה'ע'מ'‬ i.e., ‫מלונם‬ ‫על‬ ‫הטל‬ ‫שכבת‬ ‫.תעל‬ This is a blessing for these sages: The dew of the resurrection (see Isa. 26:19 and BT Shabbat 88b) will fall on their grave. This phrase is common among the Karaites, see, for example: ‫והחסידים"‬ ‫ואסתר‬ ‫כמרדכי‬ ‫ע"מ‬ ‫ש"ה‬ ‫תעל‬ ‫"ההם‬ (Hadassi, Eshkol ha-Kofer, 6b); ‫תשהע"מ"‬ ‫ז"ל‬ ‫חכמינו‬ ‫צדקת‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫"ונוציא‬ (Isaac b.

Over the last quarter century, historical scholarship has rudely disrupted widely accepted differences between Europe and the 'non-Europes.' On the one hand, rather than seeing the 'industrial revolution' as marking a bifurcation point in an hitherto glacial pace of change in Europe, it is increasingly recognized that-with the exception of the dislocations caused by the Black Deaththere had been long developmental continuities since the twelfth century with the growth of inter-city networks in Europe, market-oriented craft production, and by the sixteenth century, the creation of stable political frameworks that facilitated the accumulation of capital. On the other, these tendencies-steady improvements in technology leading to a growth in total output and expansive regional and global networks of circulationwere also seen to operate in the 'non-Europes': especially in China, India, Japan, and the Ottoman Empire. Observing the temporal contemporaneity of the evolution of exchange networks in many different parts of Africa, Asia, and Europe, James Blaut (1992: 355) argued that these should be seen "as nodes in a hemisphere-wide network or process of evolving capitalism." Once Africa, Asia, and Europe are seen as 'landscapes of even development,' it is alleged that the very association of modernity with Europe is untenable-and hence, as Jack Goldstone (2002: 330) notes, several scholars speak of 'early modernities' and even 'multiple modernities.' In de-centering the European narrative of long-term, large-scale social change from its position as the normative pattern against which all other historical transformations are cast as deviations, R. Bin Wong and Kenneth Pomeranz have advocated a method of reciprocal comparisons. In the first instance, rather than comparing individual nation-states, they suggest a comparison of 'core regions' with roughly comparable populations and levels of economic development-the Yangzi Delta, the Kanto plain, Britain and the Netherlands, Gujarat-which were more similar to each other than to "the continent or subcontinent around them (e.g., relatively free markets, extensive handicraft industries, highly commercialized agriculture)" (Pomeranz 2000:8, emphasis added; see also Wong 1997: 6-7).1 To make comparisons between these units 'truly reciprocal' they suggest looking for" absences, accidents, and obstacles that diverted England from a path that might have made it more like the Yangzi Delta or Gujarat along with the more usual exercise of looking for blockages that kept non-European areas from reproducing implicitly normalized European paths" (Pomeranz 2000: 8). By changing their units of comparison, Wong and Pomeranz have marshaled an impressive array of evidence to show that many of the crucial 'advantages' said to have propelled Western Europe to high-speed growth-private property in land, technological competencies, capital stock, market networks, demographic patterns, mobility of labor, decline of arbitrary taxation-were also prevalent in China, Japan, and possibly India. Indeed, Pomeranz (2000: 70) even argues "that eighteenth-century China (and perhaps Japan as well) actually came closer to resembling the neoclassical ideal of a market economy than did western Europe." From this perspective, it was the presence of conveniently located supplies of coal, and the conquest of the Americas that thrust Europe above the other 'core regions' of the Eastern Hemisphere. Apart from its natural resources, the conquest of the Americas allowed Europeans to create 'a new kind of periphery'plantation economies based on slave labor that enabled European states to solve their land shortage with capital and labor (Pomeranz 2000: 20-21). Yet, if the method of 'reciprocal' comparisons enable Wong and Pomeranz to decisively disrupt facile assumptions of European economic, organizational, and technological superiority before the nineteenth-century,

AHVUSn AiiSUHAINn ^ nmmi\ J att >i-Q\ C(t»a' <uirj\i;tQ aCQ Z<(^LHC, ZSZV~£6p-596-^L6 NSSI210093 aau/iC 9-68e-£6t^e96-8Z,6 Nasi '"• NQiL cuui^a KQi cLrt\m aci.U(;\u ccuc aaai»<;' r;\cc(i.rt\ aauLt acc, au (Tvuw cuiat uc(;(.i; cacL iu Nt NUL cc, ut;d fi\ULN auutau fi\caGU lu-cci; tut NL cci; Nasf^c N^daucd Nicac' acc< i;Nuat caNCL aart' i;(AtL ni Ntl <;rt\cGi;' ijurtutd' i;Ki;Q' ^udi;ta' £;uli:q' cUlr^^cQ UAa«a / 6002 uNU<cua<au uitcuu i;ui.KNU acuQ rt»ra <uc, oncco C<; UlCUtU (1\C(IUU n'oo-sssjdsauSBui-MMM iXuL 6606C' cU(ai;tQ 06fT6' OC,, 6S99SS9~Z0' Cdfl/ TK099S' auci^u: UUMU QNtca <^ucu • NUN4;u cut^ca

Die Zeugenaussagen der Bewohner der Altsohl-Lipitscher-Domäne als historische Quelle für die spätmittelalterliche Geschichte der Region -The Testimonies of Inhabitants of the Slovenska Lupca Estate as a Source to the History of the Region in the Late Middle Ages Oto Tomeček -A zólyomlipcsei várbirtok birtokviszonyai a XVI-XVII. században .

On 14 July 1711 the Frisian stadtholder Johan Willem Friso of Nassau-Dietz (1687–1711) drowned in the waves of the Hollands Diep. His ferry capsized in unexpected rough weather. Only days after this event the causes of the accident became the topic of a fierce discussion. Was it faulty equipment or neglectful personnel that caused the shocking death of the young prince, was it the weather, or were the dangerous waves of the Hollands Diep to blame? By analyzing this discussion and the political measures that were taken afterwards, we can reconstruct what the Swedish archaeologist Christer Westerdahl defined as the cognitive landscape — “the mapping and imprinting of the functional aspects of the surroundings in the human mind” — of the Hollands Diep. This contribution will use Westerdahls concept, and deals with the question of how contemporary writers, artists and political authorities thought of the Hollands Diep and the ferry service between Moerdijk and Strijensas at the time of the accident, and how this perspective changed as a cause of the death of the prince in its aftermath.

Revenge murder phenomenon is a complex human emotion that has long existed in annals of history. It has intrigued psychologists, criminologists, and sociologists for centuries. The acts of revenges are often driven by deep-seated emotions such as rage, betrayal, and humiliation. However, the motivations behind its cyclicality are more intricate and multifaceted. This paper delves into the anatomy, social underpinnings and implications of revenge murder, exploring intricate web of emotions, attitudes, and social factors that contribute to this extreme form of violent human behavior.

Az ecsedi uradalom gazdasági szervezése, szervezettsége azonos képet mutat, a korabeli szemtermelő domíniumok gazdasági rendszerével. A feudális szolgáltatásokra épülő uradalmi szervezetben jelentősebb társadalmi átalakulás nem ment végbe, tehát nem nőtt jelentősen a taksások, exemptusok, szabadosok számaránya. Ennek ellenére az uradalomnak igen fontos szerep jutott a szemtermelés területén. A másik igen fontos feladat az a gazdasági és védelmi feladat volt, amellyel felügyelte a területén áthaladó igen fontos kereskedelmi utakon folyó forgalmat. A 17. század utolsó harmadában a bujdosó mozgalom erőteljesen visszavette a domínium gazdasági teljesítőképességét, ami az emberszám jelentős csökkenésében mutatkozott meg. Ez a tendencia egészen a Rákóczi szabadságharc végéig folytatódott.

When a Transylvanian historian like László Kőváry (1819-1907), writing in the mid-19th century, bragged that Hungarians had no reason to be afraid of Romanians, for nobody fears one's own sheep, that may have been a scornful remark about Romanians, if not an insult, but certainly not the stereotype of Romanians being essentially shepherds. 1 To drive the point home, Sorin Mitu brilliantly recalls the reply of King Charles I of Hungary (1308-1342). According to Mark of Kalt, the Franciscan friar who compiled the Illuminated Chronicle (Chronicon Pictum), angered at the message that Basarab, the prince of Walachia, had sent him through an envoy, the king was roused (elata mente) and replied: "Say this to Basarab: he is the shepherd of my sheep, and I will drag him by his beard out of his lair. " 2 The insult, in this case, is to say that Basarab will be dragged by his beard. This implies a direct violation of his honor, since pulling a man's beard was a great insult. By contrast, to say that Basarab was the king's shepherd does not amount to an insult. It was simply to say that his job was to feed the king's sheep, which hints at John 21:17 (pasce oves meas). Much like Peter was expected to love the Lord and obey Him, so was Basarab expected to be loyal to Charles. In other words, he ruled over the Vlachs only because he had been entrusted with that job by Charles-he was Charles's shepherd. Nonetheless, some of Kőváry's contemporaries truly believed that the Romanians were primarily shepherds. 3 Similarly, writing in the early 1980s, László Makkai (1914-1989), a Hungarian historian of Transylvanian origin, believed that Romanians were descendants of shepherds who came to Transylvania at the invitation of the Hungarian king (presumably Béla III), who needed them as frontier guards. 4 In his case, at least, the stereotype of Romanians

A nyíregyházi Jósa András Múzeumban lévő pénzleletek vizsgálata, különös tekintettel a lengyel veretekre.
Polish Currency Circulation in Szabolcs County During the Ottoman Era
Examination of Coin Hoards in the Jósa András Museum of Nyíregyháza, with Special Attention to Polish Coinage

This article seeks to cross disciplinary boundaries while examining watermark paper in the ‘Cairo Genizah’ manuscript collections at the Cambridge University Library. Mainly dating between 1100 and 1897, this corpus provides a continuous cross-section of Egyptian-Jewish literary activity during the entire transition to watermark paper, including samples of paper stocks used in Cairo, Alexandria, Rosetta, Guadalajara, Híjar, Lisbon, Faro, Salonika, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, among other places. As we shall see, Genizah data about these stocks can supplement the study of paper in Egypt, Italy, Iberia, and the Ottoman Empire between 1350 and 1600. It also presents new opportunities for collaboration between European and Middle Eastern historians that will enhance the current understanding of papermaking and trade around the Mediterranean Sea.

Μια ενδιαφέρουσα ανάλυση για τη σχέση ανάμεσα στη διαμόρφωση εμπορευματικού τσιφλικιού και στη μετεξέλιξη του γαιοκτητικού συστήματος της αυτοκρατορίας υπάρχει στο εξής: McGowan, Economic Life, 45-79. Είναι κοινός τόπος στη βιβλιογραφία ότι μετά από αυτή την εποχή κυριαρχεί ο τύπος του εμπορευματικού τσιφλικιού. Η ΦΩΚΙΩΝ Π. ΚΟΤΖΑΓΕΩΡΓΗΣ -96 -Ο όρος τσιφλίκι στις πηγές του μελετηθέντος δείγματος απαντάται με δύο σημασίες: α) οικισμός και β) αγρόκτημα 3 . 1. Τσιφλίκια-οικισμοί Με τη φράση «τσιφλίκια-οικισμοί» εννοούνται τσιφλίκια, τα οποία διέθεταν μόνιμα εγκατεστημένο και σταθερό φορολογούμενο πληθυσμό, είχαν μια φορολογικήδημοσιονομική και τοπογραφική αυτονομία από γειτονικά χωριά και στην οικιστική τυπολογία των καταστίχων ταξινομούνταν δίπλα στα χωριά, τους μεζράδες και τις κοινότητες (cemaat) 4 ως ξεχωριστός οικιστικός τύπος. Δύο ειδών τέτοιες οικιστικές συγκεντρώσεις απαντώνται στο δείγμα μας: τα τσιφλίκια των «γερακάρηδων» (doğancıyan, bazdaran) 5 και τα υπόλοιπα άγνωστης προέλευσης, που εξελίχθηκαν σε χωριά, διατηρώντας -τουλάχιστον αρχικά-στο όνομά τους τη λέξη τσιφλίκι (π.χ. karye-i çiftlik-i Canikli). Ας δούμε τα δεδομένα των καταστίχων. Το 1454/5 δέκα οικισμοί καταχωρίζονται ως τσιφλίκι και άλλος ένας καταγράφεται ως τιμάριο, χωρίς να γίνεται αναφορά σε συγκεκριμένο οικισμό (timar-ı çiftlik-i Malğar Ali Karaca Paşa). Τα περισσότερα, πάντως, εντάσσονται στο πλαίσιο της οργάνωσης των γερακάρηδων και ήταν τέτοιου είδους τσιφλίκια 6 . Το 1485 καταχωρίζονται δεκαεπτά οικισμοί, οι οποίοι στην επωνυμία τους περιέχουν τη λέξη τσιφλίκι. Οι πέντε από αυτούς χαρακτηρίζονται ως χωριά (karye) και απλά περιέχουν στην ονομασία τους τη λέξη τσιφλίκι. Οι εννιά από τους δέκα οικισμούς της προηγούμενης απογραφής συνεχίζουν να εμφανίζονται και σ' αυτήν, είτε με την ίδια ονομασία είτε με λίγο παραλλαγμένη 7 . Ο πληθυσμός των οικισμών

Il saggio si concentra su media utilizzati in ambito mercantile nel periodo XV-XVIII secolo con l’obiettivo di ricostruire come siano nati, quale fu il loro utilizzo e quale impatto ebbero nell’attività mercantile. In particolare si esaminano: 1) alcuni esemplari di libri e di registri contabili, conservati in copia tra gli atti processuali dei tribunali imperiali; 2) le "tessere" di legno che fungevano da strumenti di conto, destinati allo scarto una volta esaurita la loro finalità; 3) i marchi mercantili ("node da legno") segni semplici, riproducibili senza particolari abilità che conferivano una caratteristica specifica e chiara da riconoscere.

Suspendre l'éphémère : l'art de la fête en Europe à l'Époque moderne Campisano Suspendre l'éphémère : l'art de la fête en Europe à l'Époque moderne Riproduzione vietata, anche parziale, senza l'autorizzazione dell'editore. Nessuna parte di questo libro può essere riprodotta o trasmessa in qualsiasi forma o con qualsiasi mezzo elettronico, meccanico o altro senza l'autorizzazione scritta dei proprietari dei diritti e dell'editore.

Motto: "-Alo, pompierii? -Da. -Mi-a luat foc casa! -Tinere, fii calm și răspunde de unde a început prima dată focul? -Din Paleolitic… dar ce legătură are asta cu casa mea?" Civilizația focului a însemnat mult în istoria omenirii. Știți toți că focul nu e altceva decât o ardere violentă cu flacără și dezvoltare de căldură. Cu alte cuvinte este o materie în curs de ardere. Românii au creat destule expresii cu focul ăsta, unii răutăcioși făcând bășcălie ieftină de Fuego, excelent muzician și actor. Foc MDA2 (2010) definește simplu etimologia: "E: ml focus". Și aromânii au cuvintele foc și focu, istroromânii și meglenoromânii foc, cuvântul existând și în catalană și în vechea occitană. Așadar, l-am moștenit din cuvântul latin medieval focus, a cărui origine este incertă. Unii îl leagă de vechiul cuvânt armean boc -բոց, "flacără". ʿ Alții în leagă prin facies, "față, figură", facetus, "elegant, fin", fax, "lampă, torță", de cuvântul proto-indo-european *b eh₂-, "a străluci", caz în care ar fi cognat la nivel de ʰ rădăcină cu sanscritul bhāti -भाति त, "a lumina, a străluci", cu grecescul antic phaínō -φαίνω, "a străluci" etc. Uf! Cuvântul focus a fost folosit de Kepler când a arătat cum a descoperit orbitele sub formă de elipsă. Nicholas Mee explică în cartea sa: "Una din proprietățile interesante ale unei elipse este că dacă există o sursă de lumină într-unul din focare (focus), atunci întreaga lumină pe care o emite va acoperi întreaga elipsă, deci și celălalt focar (focus). Acesta este motivul pentru care Kepler a folosit numele de focus (focar) pentru aceste puncte." (Gravity, 2014, p. 74). Pentru a vedea cum folosesc oamenii inteligenți și arhivele sau paginile web, de curiozitate, dacă îți permit câțiva coloși intelectuali văreni, vezi prin click și focus în Gaffiot, Félix (1934)

Summary

This article deals with the development of the demesne of the Barons of Breda from ca. 1200 until 1568. Research was predominantly based on charters, as the medieval financial administration of the demesne was destroyed and there is only one chronicle about the history of the lords of Breda.
Did the members of the successive families follow a policy with regard to their possessions? The answer appears to be affirmative. Especially from 1339 onwards the lords of Breda managed to build up a county with a town as centre, Breda, surrounded by 19 parishes. In 1526 town and country had about 40.000 inhabitants, of which Breda 8000. The lords had succeeded at that moment to remove almost all juridical and governmental obstacles that might restrict their power.
The exploitation of peat was an important source of revenue between ca. 1260 and 1421. The lords sold the fresh or salty peat lands to entrepreneurs who let it dug off in order to be converted into fuel or salt. The Saint Elisabeth’s Flood of 1421 ended this activity.  Other sources of profit were mills in and around Breda driven by wind, water and tide and tithes around Breda. Most tithes however in this area were the property of large abbeys like Thorn, Saint Bernards and Tongerlo. From the fifteenth century onwards pasture lands in the northern and north-western part of area were surrounded by dikes, so the land could be converted into fertile arable lands which gave a much higher income than sheep producing only meat, wool and cheese. The lords of Breda and Bergen op Zoom got a stiff grip on the new polders, but agriculture was farmer’s business. In 1514 count Henry of Nassau started the plantation of a new forest, the still existing Mastbos south of Breda. In 1568 the demesne of Breda had become for the prince William of Orange a very worthful source of income, he could always rely on. The confiscation of his possessions by the king of Spain in 1568, who accused him of high treason, was a blow for him.
The princes got back his demesnes in 1609. In the eighteenth century forestry became very important. The old woods like Mastbos and Ulvenhoutse Bos were enlarged. These woods still exist and are now favoured by tourists. In 1795 the demesnes were confiscated by the new Batavian Republic
This edition is of 1st of March 2025.
Text in Dutch.

ENG:The proposed lesson focuses on the analysis of technological and tactical innovations during the period between the 14th and 16th centuries. In particular, it examines the role of the Battle of Pavia (1525) as a key event in the transition towards modern warfare. The didactic approach includes a historical contextualization of military evolution, highlighting the shift from medieval heavy cavalry to the increasing centrality of firearms, such as arquebuses and light artillery. The lesson analyzes the consequences of these transformations, including the decline of traditional medieval fortifications and the development of modern-style defenses. Through a case study on the Battle of Pavia, the lesson explores the decisive role of new military technologies, assessing whether this event can indeed be considered a turning point in the emergence of modern warfare. The session concludes with a pedagogical reflection on the most effective methods to convey these concepts to students, encouraging an interdisciplinary approach.
ITA: La lezione proposta si focalizza sull’analisi delle innovazioni tecnologiche e tattiche nel periodo compreso tra il XIV e il XVI secolo. In particolare, viene esaminato il ruolo della Battaglia di Pavia (1525) come evento chiave nella transizione verso la guerra moderna. L’approccio didattico prevede una contestualizzazione storica dell’evoluzione bellica, evidenziando il passaggio dalla cavalleria pesante medievale alla crescente centralità delle armi da fuoco, come archibugi e artiglieria leggera. Si analizzano le conseguenze di tali trasformazioni, tra cui il declino delle tradizionali fortificazioni medievali e lo sviluppo delle difese “alla moderna”. Attraverso un caso studio sulla Battaglia di Pavia, si approfondisce il ruolo determinante delle nuove tecnologie militari, valutando se tale evento possa effettivamente essere considerato uno spartiacque nella nascita della guerra moderna. La lezione si conclude con una riflessione didattica sugli strumenti più efficaci per trasmettere questi contenuti agli studenti, incentivando un approccio interdisciplinare.