Democracy in Nigeria - eScholarship
michael Seng1985, National Black law journal
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Abstract
Despite the fact that nearly a hundred people were killed in preelection violence, the New York Times referred to the elections in a headline as "peacefully chaotic."
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A Cycle of Elections without Democracy?: Nigeria’s Troubled Democratisation in Perspective
The International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies, 2020
Liberal democracy has undoubtedly become the most acceptable form of political system the world all over. Central to the whole idea of democracy and democratization is the issue of elections. As Diamond (2002: 353) asserted, elections are the litmus test of a democratic political system. Elections are crucial instrument of recruiting leaders by the electorate in a democratic system. Election is generally accepted in all climes of the world as the hallmark of democracy. Elections as the 'means of filling public offices by competitive struggle for the people's vote' (Heywood, 1997:211) has become synonymous with democracy as it empowers the common citizens with the right to choose their leaders. As a result, elections have become one of the yardsticks for measuring how democratic a country is(Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 2011). The absence of regular and democratic elections provides an opening for increased political repression, citizen discontent, politically motivated violence and the pursuit of alternative means for selecting leaders -including regime change through coup d'états (Tomaszewski, 2016). Another important function of elections is to build legitimacy for a government. This is mostly the case in troubled systems where elections are organised and are typically rigged to produce a pre-determined outcome, usually in favour of the incumbent party. In such cases the elections merely provide justification for the party's prolonged rule. Elections, even those that are not free and fair, are always labelled as the manifestation of the people's will. These claims are usually accompanied by slogans such as 'the people have spoken' (Letsie, 2015:85). Indeed, the proliferation of elections does not imply greater political stability. Over the past decade, electoral processes have instead crystallised tensions and formed a source of violence in several African countries:
Voting and Violence in Nigeria's 2015 Elections 1
Election is a civic duty that is crucial to democracy. In a free and fair election, each valid ballot cast registers a political position. Thus, informed voters' count. Credible election abhors violence, which inhibits voters' right to freedom of choice in peace, and in line with their conscience. It craves for politicians and electoral umpire to ensure peaceful campaigns. Hence, non-participating or hindering electorates from exercising their franchise negates popular government. Nigeria's recent experience in leadership transitions 1999-2015 is a mixed-bag of sweet and sour. Elections were warfare-like often mired in suspicion, tension, and violence. The scale of election-related violence assumed prohibitive threshold in 2011 with over 800 deaths and 65,000 displaced in post-election violence. The 2015 elections amidst insurgency that has claimed over 300,000 lives were the most fiercely contested. From build-up to the elections, violence was considered inevitable by observers. Fears of repetition of the 2011 scenario were rife. INEC succumbed to pressure to announce a postponement for sundry security reasons. Through archival searches and media reports, this paper promises an insight into incidence and magnitude of 2015-elections-related violence, draws a parallel between 2015 and 2011 and highlight avoidable pitfalls in future elections. Representative government for the centrality of elections, and prebendalism for the intensity and persistence of struggle to control and exploit the offices of the state constitute the conceptual and theoretical frameworks. Going by outcomes of the elections, INEC's success in transparency and logistics was central to mitigating the enormity of variables on which violence thrives.
MANAGING ELECTION VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA
This paper examines trend and patterns of election violence in Nigeria since 1999. Using interviews and secondary data materials, styles and patterns of election rigging that often led to unofficial rejection of results and ensuing violence are reviewed. The linkage of these locally-rooted violence to national security is revealed. A key question arises on how election violence be better managed in Nigeria. The employment of force by political parties/supporters to intimidate opponents and threat to democratic regime, have often accounted for seizure of political power by the use of undemocratic means such as force within a democratic order as witnessed in Nigeria. Also, violence, if not properly managed, could in conjunction with other prevailing factors lead to a state of anarchy and political instability that may result in realization of predictions by American institutions that Nigeria is likely to break-up by 2015.
Electoral Violence and 2015 General Elections in Nigeria Electoral Violence and 2015 General Elections in Nigeria
The Nigerian state is not alien to electoral violence which can be traced as far back as the pre independence elections. Contestants in Nigeria can go to any length to rig and win elections even if it means to break the states monopoly of violence to deploy terror to win elections. At the just concluded 2015 general elections in Nigeria, the South South part of Nigeria witnessed different levels of mayhem and the destruction of lives and property. On the other hand the Northern and South Western states witnessed minimal electoral violence unlike previous years where violence was more in the North. To this end it is the aim of this paper to highlight how electoral violence was reduced during the 2015 general elections. This paper adopted the use of secondary data in the analysis of the research. However this paper concluded that the electorates in the Northern part of Nigeria and the South West aligned to the All Progressives Congress political party (APC) the opposition party which eased tensions but in the South South violence broke out as a result of an attempt by the opposition party to unseat the ruling party Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
POST-ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
ABUAD Journal of Humanities, the General Studies Unit, Afe Babalola University, 2014
Nigeria elections July03
The Nigerian elections of April–May 2003 saw the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) retain the presidency, capture 28 of the 36 state governorships, and reinforce its majority in both chambers of the National Assembly. Rival parties and civil-society groups, have contested the results and demanded a rerun , alleging that the PDP landslide was achieved through violent and illegal means and with the complicity of the security agencies. Local and foreign election observers reported instances of intimidation and ballot stuffing, under-age and multiple voting, and the absence or late arrival of election materials. Yet they also noted some improvements as the election unfolded. The only institution vested with the power to authorise a rerun is the Election Tribunal. But the aggrieved candidates and parties are reluctant to turn to it, because a sweeping cancellation of the polls is not within the powers of an election tribunal. Nevertheless, the high voter turnout of 69.1% indicated that Nigerians have embraced civilian administration over military rule. This is perhaps one of the major achievements of the political transition that has been in progress since 1999. It is important to reflect on the recent electoral exercise and to draw lessons that might inform future polls in Nigeria. As part of its ongoing programme of support for democratic reform in the country, the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) sponsored a round table from 23-25 July 2003 on the recent elections. (The provision of such platforms is a continuing feature of IDEA's work in Nigeria.) The aim was to provide a forum in which practitioners, scholars, and managers of democracy and electoral processes, as well as other civil-society stakeholders, could: • Assess the overall electoral processes (how the various stages of the electoral process were organized and implemented-enactment of the Electoral Act, the registration of new parties, funding of the EMB-and the role of the key institutions such as INEC, the National Assembly and the executive branch). • evaluate the existing electoral system; • examine the extent to which the elections included minorities, in regard to gender, age, ability, region, resource and ethnicity; and • analyse the role of key institutions—the political parties, the INEC, the media and the security agencies. Following formal presentations, participants were assigned to three groups to discuss in a participatory manner various aspects of Nigeria's electoral process. Topics that were raised during the presentations and in the group discussions are summarised below. Pre-election period The build-up to the election was contentious. Controversy attended the Electoral Act 2001 with allegations that its provisions were doctored after parliamentary approval. The alterations principally set high electoral thresholds for new parties, a development that was seen as the ruling party's scheme to preserve its electoral strength. A new Act was passed early in 2002 with the doctored provisions expunged. But the Electoral Act 2002 contained provisions motivated by considerations of partisanship. Some of its provisions for party registration were successfully challenged by political associations which were subsequently registered as parties. Party nomination processes were largely non-transparent, with most of the incumbents securing re-nomination. Most female aspirants were defeated at the primaries, but two parties fielded female presidential candidates. Incidents of violence, including assassinations, were recorded across the country.
Electoral Violence and Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria
Democracy will not be consolidated in a state if its elections are characterized continuously by violence; consolidated democracy brings about good governance. Electoral violence has threatened the consolidation of democracy in most emerging democratic countries like Nigeria, resulting in the killings and destruction of properties before, during, and after elections. This study seeks to understand the causes, nature of electoral violence, how electoral violence affects the outcome of elections, and what the impacts of electoral violence are on the consolidation of democracy. The Marxian dialectical materialism theory was used as a foundation to understand man's action and the motives behind electoral violence. The theory is premised on how societies change from one mode of production to another and the relationships that exist between the superstructure and substructure. It identifies economic gain, among others, as the primary cause of the crisis. It, therefore, means that people struggle and might even use whatever means available to clinch to power for economic gain, as this "power" will enable them to determine how the state resources are to be distributed. The literature review revealed that electoral violence is responsible for the poor quality of leadership and underdevelopment in such democracies because it takes a credible process to produce credible leadership. The study uses secondary sources of data. It was discovered from the findings that attempt to rig the election led to violence, which in turn affected the outcome of the vote and consolidation of democracy. The paper concludes that democracy can only be consolidated when elections are devoid of violence, for only then can credible people who are capable of effecting positive change come into the process. The study recommends, among others, the use of card readers and electronic voting in all elections to checkmate electoral lapses and violence.
Political Behavior and Electoral violence in Nigeria
Wukari International Studies Journal , 2023
A prosperous democracy is only possible when a free and fair election is achieved. If resources and potentials of the nation will be properly maximized, it will begin with an election without intimidation or harassment. The voters should be allowed to freely vote for the candidate and political parties of their choice. Searching through history, it has been discovered that there has been no general election in Nigeria since independence in 1960 that has not been characterized by election violence, which has also led to a serious crisis, violence, disputations, and even bloodshed despite the law governing the electoral process in Nigeria. It is therefore pertinent to investigate the reasons why it has been impossible for Nigeria as a nation to achieve a credible election since inception. Therefore, this paper outlines the common challenges of election and why the political actors prefer electoral violence instead of a free and fair election. Using both primary and secondary data, that is, the historical analysis of data, from different scholarly works, this paper found out that it is germane to analyze the reasons why elections in Nigeria can never be credible and possible solutions, with specific focus on the 2011 and 2015 general elections from the comparative analysis perspectives. The credibility of election has always been on paper, but obviously the actions of the people involved is the direct opposite of what the law says. No doubt, there is need for government to place priority on non-inference in electoral matters, the role of judiciary and reorientation of politicians, also systems and institutions should work in Nigeria like other advanced countries.
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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to mar the conduct of almost all general elections,making free and fair elections a desideratum. Thus, electoral violence has proved to be Nigeria’s harbinger of national instability as unabated festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of election subject almost all Nigeria’s election below the minimum democracy standard. However, for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair.In view of this,the thrust of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the attendant precipitating factors that makefree and fair election pretty difficult in Nigeria.This paper however concludes with recommend ations of policy options to remedy the menace of electoral violence in Nigeria
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Democracy in Nigeria
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Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeria
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Nigeria since independence in 1960 has grappled with the problem of consolidating her hard earned democracy. From the post colonial period, elections conducted in the country have been consistently marred by irregularities and unprecedented electoral violence which had undermined our democratic experiments and in extreme cases threatened the corporate existence of the country. This study is therefore an attempt to evaluate the impact of political violence on the survival of Nigerian democratic experience. It equally examines the predisposing factors that fuel electoral violence before, during and after elections in the country. The research work is qualitative as data for this study were got mainly from verified secondary sources such as articles from reputable journals, publications from independent bodies, newspapers, conference and workshop papers. The above sources was supplemented by structured interviews granted to the researcher by political actors and electorates alike, which was designed specifically on the basis of the subject matter. It was found that political violence in Nigeria is as a result of poor orientation on the part of political actors on the purpose for the acquisition and consolidation of political powers. Put differently, politicians perceive elective positions as avenues to skew public wealth for personal aggrandisement, hence politics is seen as a zero sum game; a do or die affair. It is on the basis of this startling revelation that the study recommends for value reorientation among political actors so that Nigerian politics could be played in the spirit of sportsmanship and with a high sense of decorum. This, it is expected, will help in no small way to eliminate electoral violence and consequently enthrone sustainable democracy devoid of irregularities in the country.
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This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 Unported License, permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Electoral Violence as a Threat to Consolidation of Nigeria's Democracy
Journal of Policy and Development Studies, 2016
It should be emphasized that the trend of violence in Nigeria under the country's nascent democracy is a paradox, especially when viewed from the fact that democracy and its attendant ingredients of freedom, justice, peace and good governance is supposed to curb violence in all its ramifications. However, the situations in Nigeria as available evidence reveals do not conform to this little opportunity is taken for violence. That which concerns this paper is electoral violence. Since political power is taken as an avenue to amass wealth for selfish interest rather than-national, state, Local or community development, people go to any length to-grab the power. As a result, peace which is a prerequisite to the survival of democracy is lacking. The paper examines electoral violence under Nigeria's nascent democracy. It is revealed that issues such as poverty, unemployment, age-long conflicts, rigging, poor security system, lack of well defined ideology by Political parties and political intolerance are threatening the survival-of Nigeria's-democracy. Unless these issues are adequately addressed, the chances that Nigeria's nascent democracy with survive are very slim.
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The problem of post-election violence seems to be ever-more present as complexities of nation-building and democratic development arise. convergence-electoral violence and its implications to the democratization process-has received much less attention from academics, perhaps because large scale political violence is commonly associated with autocratic regimes, whereas, all the beautiful attributes of what the electoral process should mean for a democratic society cannot be associated with Nigeria. Nigerian electoral history has not been a pleasant one. Nigerians have participated in many elections, beginning with the colonial era when the concept of elections was first introduced. The electorate has also grown from about 5,000 adults with 100 pounds sterling income per annum as qualification to be eligible to vote, to over 70 million voters of 18 years of age and above. Elective posts have also increased tremendously and electoral referees have also changed from being members of the colonial service whose electoral duties were part time assignments to being members of an independent electoral commission on full time employment. Yet, since its attainment of independence in 1960, Nigeria has been bedevilled by political instability fuelled largely by an electoral process in crisis. The country and her leaders have refused to learn from history and avoid the pitfalls of past mistakes in order to pave the pathway for a secure political future. Rather, they have continued to perpetuate the worst forms of our political processes characterized by ugly incidents of political thuggery and violence, electoral malpractices both at political party level and general elections, unending law suits, crisis of legitimacy, instability and chaos, Anifowose (1982);
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