Consciencological studies - Consciencology - Conscientization, collaborating with Deepseek

Fort Da, 2013

When Buddhism was first introduced to China in the Han dynasty it met with a highly developed culture and civilization centered on Confucianism which emphasized on family life and society. Therefore, Buddhism faced a great challenge in its transmission and development in China as the Chinese way of life was very different from that of Buddhist. Although there had been conflicts among the three systems of thought namely Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, but integration is the mainstream in the development of Chinese cultural thought as both Buddhism and Chinese thought uphold the open attitude of mind. Buddhism assimilated many Chinese elements such as ancestor worship and the emphasis on filial piety. Daoism became a religion by assimilating Buddhist monasticism, ideas and thought and rituals and Confucianism revived itself and became neo-Confucianism by assimilating many Buddhist thought and ways of thinking. Thus, Chinese culture has developed into a system by uniting the three religions into one with Confucianism at the Guang Xing is a professor of Centre of Buddhist Studies, The Univ. of Hong Kong. (guangxin@hku.hk) 84 centre supported by Daoism and Buddhism. For over two thousand years, Buddhism has interacted with all levels of Chinese culture such as literature, philosophy, morality, arts, architecture and folk religions and beliefs. As a result, Buddhism has successfully integrated into the traditional Chinese culture and has become one of the three pillars. In this paper, I will concentrate on the intellectual exchange between Buddhism and Chinese culture and outline the major issues from the historical perspective.

Conscience is not of any methodology but a cumulative of human thinking from introspection (self), reflection (group), and imagination, and yet to make this clear association by naming Conscience Psychology, which is a total reflection of the entire Chinese history, and culture -- where our language have been used and spoken in the use of the heart/conscience. There have been substantial global discrepancies between the West's limited ideas, in words and characters, ever since 1492. The West had no ideas, much less vocabulary, to address the Chinese system of human and educational values. And the worst of it all, the Western scholars or missionaries made another vast error by adding the "ism" behind the teaching of Confucius, Laozi, and Buddha, where they made all three major Chinese value principles into their Western religious orders in that use of "ism" as in their own Judaism, Catholicism, Islamism and later - Protestantism -- This is one colossal mistake -- the cultural disconnect and also the Cultural dissonance. Nevertheless, ignorance is not a crime or a sin ( In their religious context), but if these ideas about Chinese values are erroneously framed into the Western mindset -- as this series of cultural, philosophical, and political disconnects as it has and it will continue to impact the global Chinese and the Western group in cultures, politics, and even potential conflicts by the total misconception by the West started the year of 1492 - the date of the Spanish Inquisition and also the date of the Western colonialism by the Columbus discovery of their India -- In the Americas. This is a 500-plus year of a vast Western cultural mistake in their engagement with the Chinese.

Theoretical and Applied Linguistics at Kobe Shoin トークス, 1999

Confucianism as Cultural Constraint * Ken Tamai Due to its uniquely adaptable qualities, Confucianism has survived 2,500 years of history and still exists as the core of morality in Asia, specially in the north eastern part of Asia: China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea and Taiwan. Although there is a tendency recently to attribute Asia's economic success to the moral qualities of Confucianism, the shapes and forms of Confucianism vary greatly. Confucian moral values have developed in different ways through different processes of history in their respective countries, and it thus becomes necessary for researchers to clarify the characteristics of Confucianism in each respective nation. This study aims at looking into Confucian influences on the behavior of the Japanese, particularly influences on human relationships. Three hypothetical views on Japanese Confucianism are introduced: 1) Confucianism as a framework that determines reciprocal social roles of the people involved. 2) The effect of determined social role as default interpersonal relationship which enables high-context communication. 3) The tight and inseparable combination of moral values with the social structure. Discussion follows here on three of the most influential moral values: loyalty, filial piety and harmony. These values are considered to be working not only as a source of moral qualities but also as expected behavioral codes in different contexts of one's social life. Thus, by focussing on the socio-, *This paper is part of a project subsidized by Shoin Women's University and was written based on the presentation given at the World Congress of Comparative Education held at

BA (Hons) University of Melbourne, 2003

This dissertation seeks to present a critical disciplinary introspection of existing indigenous Chinese psychological research paradigms, particularly with regards to what K. S. Yang (1993) emphasises as the need for indigenous models to avoid Western cross-cultural perspectives. As a secondary objective, it is hoped this analysis will highlight the need for the discipline to expand current introspective approaches from narrowly addressing phenomenological and epistemological concerns, to encompassing liberalised hermeneutical and discourse analysis related frames. The specific focus of this paper is the role significant political agendas and academic trends surrounding the birth and consolidation of ‘the modern Chinese nation’ have played in the formation of certain pre-understandings and presumptions regarding China’s history, society and culture, and the role these presumptions and pre-understandings have in turn played in shaping, guiding and, as I shall argue, to an extent predetermining the results of indigenous investigations of contemporary Chinese psychological and behavioural phenomena. It is the author’s belief that these presumptions and pre-understandings encapsulate specific Western notions and biases, and that these have served to consolidate the pervasive influence of Western perspectives, ideals and standards in indigenous research. This in turn has impeded the indigenisation, compatibility, and the appropriate theoretical multi-dimensionality indigenous approaches require to more accurately reflect the true nature, complexity and diversity of Chinese psychological and behavioural phenomena. As outlined by Yang (1993), key aspects of indigenous psychological research include the need to address idiosyncratic local themes, or distinctively localised psychological/behavioural phenomena, and the local socio-cultural and historical context within which these are situated. Perceptions of these, according to phenomenology, cannot, however, be conceived in a vacuum, but are guided by both the situated self, and, more directly, academic and literary representations, narratives or texts concerning the constitution of such phenomena, and with which the researcher is familiar and conversant. This dissertation seeks to assert that a prominent force in shaping representations of what may constitute distinctive Chinese themes and historical and socio-cultural contexts in Chinese socio-political, and particularly Western academic sources is the strongly politicised and broadly encompassing paradigm of ‘modernisation’. The way this paradigm has informed pre-understandings compromising indigenous methodologies shall then be addressed by means of a critical analysis of K.S. Yang’s investigation of Chinese psychological transformation, focusing on the following three key effects: (1) the positing of ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’, ‘functional/non-functional’ as labels for the demarcation of China’s contemporary psychological realities; (2) the reproduction of Western academic discources and their underlying Western cross-cultural perspectives and ethnocentric biases in the identification and elaboration of ‘traditional’ Chinese psychological characteristics; including the coalescing and ratifying of notions of China’s ‘traditionality’ through a generative semantic rubric of ‘Confucianism’, and; (3) the subsequent empowerment, enshrinement and false identification of Western perspectives, ideals, standards and notions: particularly in view of their collective association with the constitution and success of a utopian ‘modern’ industrialised society.

found in previous chapters and gives an overall assessment of the report in terms of the stipulated goals of the project.

Orbis, 1999

hinese traditionally regarded their land as the "Middle Kingdom," not in the sense that it happened to lie in the midst of other, more or less equal political entities, but rather that it was literally the center of the earth under heaven.i To the Han Chinese, all other peoples-the non-Chinese people-were barbarians, and their cultures were held in low regard. This attitude, however, did not completely prevent China from borrowing from these "inferior" peoples. For example, the idea of fighting from horseback, as opposed to the early Han practice of using horse-drawn chariots, seems to have come from China's nomadic neighbors to the north. At a somewhat later date, the stirrup was adopted from Turkic invaders. This device allowed mounted warriors to shoot backwards, thereby enhancing their survivability. Both of these are military innovations whose value could be clearly demonstrated in combat. Yet even in the military field, where the nomads displayed obvious superiority, borrowing was rare. There was a brief period in which several different philosophies contended for cultural primacy in China, but this was a debate within Chinese civilization, and occurred very early in Chinese history-from approximately 500 to 300 B.C. Known as the "Hundred Schools" period, it was characterized by vigorous debates on such matters as the relationship between the ruler and his subjects, and whether laws should apply equally or differentially depending on one's status in the community in relation to the perpetrator of a perceived injustice. After a fairly short period, Confucianism won out and became accepted as the state philosophy. It is believed that Confucius (the romanized form of his name, Master Kong) wove together various pre-existing elements into his formulation. Hence, some have argued that Confucius should be regarded as 1 The author wishes to thank

New approaches to the scientific study of religion, 2017

Since accounts of China first began trickling into Europe, through the travelogues of Marco Polo or the seventeenth century accounts of Jesuit missionaries, it has served as "the Place Where Everything is Different" (Goldin, 2008, p. 20) in the Western imagination, a sub-species of the broader Orientalism so famously documented by Edward Saïd (1978). China as the Other par excellence continues to color modern scholarship on Chinese religion. An almost universally accepted truism among scholars of Chinese religion is that, while Western thought is dualistic in nature, early Chinese thought can be contrasted as profoundly "holistic." This sentiment can be traced back to when secondhand accounts penned by Jesuit priests described how Confucian thought supposedly lacked distinction between secular and religious beliefs. This caused thinkers such as Leibniz and Voltaire to champion Chinese mind-body holism as precisely the medicine needed to jolt sick European thought out of its doldrums. These beliefs persist to the present day. As Kelly Clark and Justin Winslett (2011) discuss in a recent study, it is still quite common for historians to claim that there was no secular-religious divide in early China and that the Chinese lack any concepts like the Western idea of religion. Cultural essentialism of this sort is one of the many by-products of the strong social constructivist turn that has, since the 1970s or so, tightened its grip on most fields in the humanities (Slingerland, 2008). One of the odd features of the modern Academy, however, is the fact that, while cultural essentialism itself is rarely questioned, when it comes to China, the negative side of such essentialism-the denigration of China as psychologically and politically infantile by the likes of Hegel and Montesquieu-has been singled out and rejected as perniciously "Orientalist," while its normatively positive manifestation has continued to flourish. What I have come to think of as "Hegel with a happy face"-the idea that some essential Chinese holism can serve as a corrective to an equally essentialized This chapter builds on ideas presented in Slingerland, E. (2013). Body and mind in early China: An integrated humanities-science approach.

2023

De Gruyter. Open Access.