Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
In the summer of 1944, Soviet armies raced into Poland and the Balkans. Worried, the UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill met Stalin in the Kremlin on 9 October and both leaders agreed to divide Eastern Europe between them based on the following arbitrary percentages: ninety per cent Soviet predominance in Romania, ninety per cent British dominance in Greece, fifty-fifty between the Soviets and the British for Yugoslavia, fifty-fifty between the Soviets and the British for Hungary, and seventy-five per cent Soviet dominance in Bulgaria.
Varia Historia
In face of the growing systemic conflict between the West and China and the sudden escalation of tensions with Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, the concept of the Cold War reappears in recent years as a reference category. Terefore, the purpose of this article is to present an exhaustive and up-to-date review of the historiographical state of the art in relation to the concept, interpretations, physical and mental spaces and defining systemic structures of the world order between 1947 and 1991. Classic references are included, as well as the most recent, innovative and ground-breaking contributions to the historiography of the Cold War, which since 1991 has undergone a profound makeover, due to the broadening of interpretative categories and the multiplication of historiographical sources. Only by identifying what the Cold War really was will it be possible to construct valid comparative analyses, highlight lines of continuity, describe new variables and, ultimately, d...
This historical study develops the evolution of de facto Cold War rules of engagement (ROE) from 1945 to 1953 from predominately American sources. Clausewitzen Coalition theory and a model of national power-diplomatic, informational, economic, and military-are used to develop and analyze the ROEs. The traditional view holds that the Soviets' role was limited as a planner, adviser, and logistician for the communist forces. New American and Soviet sources, opened by the end of the Cold War, challenges the limited view of Soviet role. This study develops a new view of the Soviet role from the contemporaneous US Government, revisionist historians, and new sources. President Truman presumed that the commitment of American combat forces would prevent World War III, and that the Soviets would not commit combat forces. In November 1950, the Soviet 64th Detached Fighter Air Corps entered combat and fought to the end of the war in July 1953. The study concludes that the Korean War expanded the military ROEs to allow covert and deniable combat between American and Soviet armed forces in limited wars. 14. SUBJECT TERMS 15. NUM604 Oi1 PAGES Korean War, Limited war, Cold War, Coalition theory, Rules of 176
Kleio, 1974
Tato práce zkoumá počátky Studené války. Zaměřuje se na události, které konfliktu předcházely, a které negativně ovlivnily vztah Spojených států amerických a Sovětského svazu. Konkrétně se zabývá vědomými činy vrcholných představitelů těchto států, které vedly ke zvýšení napětí mezi nimi. Cílem této práce je zjistit, který ze států je viníkem vzniku tohoto konfliktu. Práce také kriticky hodnotí některé zavedené názory na toto téma, kterým se podrobně věnuje historiografická sekce.
Concordia University, 2021
Containment policy has been the dominant grand strategy of the United States throughout the second half of the twentieth century. This dissertation answers the following question: What variation is likely given different structural alliance configurations and domestic constraints? This dissertation will test the relationship between the cause, e.g. alliance cohesion (and domestic structures as the intervening variable) and resulting effect, type containment (proto-, containment, rollback) implemented by US. Through case study methodology and primary source textual analysis, I will test this argument against the Cold War historical record. This dissertation finds that the dependent variable of foreign policy, specifically the typology of containment is largely determined by the independent variable, alliance cohesion (e.g. whether the alliance partners are balancing or intra-alliance bargaining with the alliance leader, or if the state fears the leader will not fulfill its defensive commitments). This relationship, with the inclusion of executive autonomy or constraint in domestic structures (IVV) is largely responsible for the foreign policy output by the United States in all but one of the case studies used to test this dissertation’s argument. The deviating case study demonstrates that the Carter Administration’s neglecting the alliance cohesion – containment policy axis led to, in effect, being selected out of American leadership and the Ronald Reagan reset with alliance politics and containment foreign policy at the forefront of the Administration’s foreign relations. The discussion of containment strategies is a critical contemporary issue given the recent rise of the People’s Republic of China threatening to surpass the United States as the most powerful state in the international system, likely with hegemonic ambitions. Given that containment is a foreign policy short of war, makes this a strategy worth considering when confronting the reality of a rising nuclear revisionist power. At the time of this writing, there is no model that lays out the theoretical conditions which decision-makers will implement a policy of containment. This dissertation builds this theory. In demonstrating containment as a grand strategy that resides within a theoretical framework of a security policy short of war will open up possible foreign policy alternatives for states to consider.
2014
Following the logic of earlier scholarly debates on which side is to be blamed for the Cold War it appears that in fact both or neither: it was the inevitable consequence of the fact that two superpowers emerged after the conflagration of WWII. The ideology confrontation mattered much less vis-a-vis this immense global power shift.
War, Peace and International Security, 2016
The Cold War This chapter discusses the four decades of the confl ict which we know as the Cold War. It has three main objectives. First, it aims to provide a proper periodization of this period based on the role of nuclear weapons as the main pillar of strategy. Second, it explains the process of creating a bipolar international order and the nature of the discussion about the inevitability of the Cold War. And last but not least, it aims to evaluate the individual stages of the Cold War in terms of positive and negative peace. 3.1 THREE BASIC FEATURES OF THE COLD WAR 3.1.1 The Heterogeneous Bipolarity After World War II The pillars of bipolarity were erected during World War II. The fi rst of them was symbolized by the "drawing [of] the map of postwar Europe in 1943" (Krieger 2006) and, namely, by the intensive planning to build military bases far to the east of the USA (Joint Chiefs of Staff 1943). Within this framework, the USA was preparing the production of new strategic bombers that were intended to be placed as close to the vital areas of potential enemies as possible (Joint War Planning Committee 1945), thus preparing the postwar strategy of forward bases being close to enemy territory (Leffl er and Painter 2005). The USA played a crucial role in the arrangement of the international system after this (Dockrill and Hughes 2006).
Articles: [“Churchill, Winston (1874-1965), 31-34; (with Christopher John Bright), “Committee on the Present Danger,” 39-40; “Cuban Missile Crisis,” 48-52; “Dulles, John Foster (1888-1959),” 56-59; “Eisenhower, Dwight David (1890-1969),” 61-64; “Kennan, George Frost (1904-2005),” 99-101; “Kissinger, Henry Alfred (1923-),” 107-108; “Nixon, Richard Milhous (1913-1994),” 151-153; “Reagan, Ronald Wilson (1911-2004),” 184-187; “United Nations,” 222-228.] The impact of the Cold War is still being felt around the world today. This insightful single-volume reference captures the events and personalities of the era, while also inspiring critical thinking about this still-controversial period. Cold War: The Essential Reference Guide is intended to introduce students to the tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that dominated international affairs in the second half of the 20th century. A comprehensive overview essay, plus separate essays on the causes and consequences of the conflict, will provide readers with the necessary context to understand the many facets of this complex era. The guide's expert contributors cover all of the influential people and pivotal events of the period, encompassing the United States, the Soviet Union, Europe, Southeast Asia, China, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa from political, military, and cultural perspectives. Reference entries offer valuable insight into the leaders and conflicts that defined the Cold War, while other essays promote critical thinking about controversial and significant Cold War topics, including whether Ronald Reagan was responsible for ending the Cold War, the impact of Sputnik on the Cold War, and the significance of the Prague Spring. Features •Several analytical essays by prominent historians, plus 85 additional A–Z reference entries about conflicts, incidents, leaders, and issues •35 examples of relevant primary source documents, including speeches, treaties, policy statements, and letters, such as the Marshall Plan and Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech •A detailed chronology of important events that occurred before, during, and after the Cold War •Numerous maps and images of key leaders and events •A comprehensive bibliography of print resources Highlights •Provides readers with a look inside the Cold War, pinpointing the main causes and consequences of this long-running conflict •Analyzes controversial Cold War topics that still generate widespread debate today to inspire critical thinking among readers •Supplements entries with a broad overview to help readers grasp the far-reaching implications of this worldwide conflict •Discusses key leaders and events in a scholarly, yet accessible manner
The Military-Industrial Complex and American Society, 2010
Articles: [“Cuban Missile Crisis (October 1962),” 67-71; “Dulles, John Foster (1888-1959),” 86-89; Eisenhower, Dwight David (1890-1969),” 91-95; “Marshall, George Catlett (1880-1959),” 193-196; McNamara, Robert Strange (1916-),” 198-201; “Nixon, Richard Milhous (1913-1994),” 220-222; “Reagan, Ronald Wilson (1911-2004),” 250-254; Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1882-1945),” 268-271; “Rusk, Dean (1909-1994),” 273-275; “United Kingdom,” 309-315.] The first complete reference on the military-industrial complex, from its Cold War era expansion to the present. The Military-Industrial Complex and American Society addresses the broad subject of the political economy of defense research and its wide-reaching effects on many aspects of American life. Ranging from the massive arms buildup of the Cold War to the influx of private contractors and corporations such as Halliburton, it reveals the interconnectedness of the military, industry, and government within the history of this public/private enterprise. The Military-Industrial Complex and American Society offers over 100 alphabetically organized entries on a wide of range of significant research bodies and government agencies, as well as important people, events, and technologies. In addition, a series of essays looks at such essential topics as propaganda, think tanks, defense budgeting, the defense industry and the economy, and the breakdown of the military-industrial complex in Vietnam. With this work, students, policymakers, and other interested readers will understand the ramifications of the relationships between industry, scientific and technological communities, the government, and society. Features •Over 100 alphabetically organized entries on the government agencies, defense contractors, academic institutions, individuals, historic events, and technological breakthroughs relevant to the emergence and growth of the military-industrial complex •Contributions from over 25 accomplished scholars and experts on various aspects of the military-industrial complex and its wide-ranging influence on Cold War and post–Cold War America •A detailed chronology of key events in the development of the relationship between industry, science and technology, and the government •An extensive bibliography guiding readers to a wealth of additional print resources for further investigation Highlights •Examines the broad themes of the post–World War II political economy, centering on the relationships between the government, the military, and American industry •Illustrates the immense impact that defense research and production has had on American society and government, both the benefits (innovation, economic boost), and detriments (fraud, waste, profiteering) •Ties the study of popular culture, propaganda, business, and government policy together to paint a compelling picture of postwar America •Compares the growth and current characteristics of the military-industrial complex of the United States with those of its allies and rivals
The Western-initiated Cold War interrupted what had been a rocky but productive economic and strategic relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union since the Bolshevik Revolution.
Intelligence and National Security, 2008
Lon Hamby's final section which he titled "The Achievement" was a pleasure to read and I commend it to all those who begin their reading of this roundtable by glancing at the author's response! I'm not sure my book is the "new hegemonic work on the origins of the Cold War" but I hope it will prove of interest to scholars of various perspectives and deepen our collective understanding of this crucial subject.
The Cold War: The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection., 2020
The Cold War superpower face-off between the Soviet Union and the United States dominated international affairs in the second half of the 20th century and still reverberates around the world today. This comprehensive and insightful multi-volume set provides authoritative entries on all aspects of this world-changing event, including wars, new military technologies, diplomatic initiatives, espionage activities, important individuals and organizations, economic developments, societal and cultural events, and more. This expansive coverage provides readers with the necessary context to understand the many facets of this complex conflict. The work begins with a preface and introduction and then offers illuminating introductory essays on the origins and course of the Cold War, which are followed by some 1,500 entries on key individuals, wars, battles, weapons systems, diplomacy, politics, economics, and art and culture. Each entry has cross-references and a list of books for further reading. The text includes more than 100 key primary source documents, a detailed chronology, a glossary, and a selective bibliography. Numerous illustrations and maps are inset throughout to provide additional context to the material. FEATURES Includes more than 1,500 entries covering all facets of the Cold War from its origins to its aftermath, including all political, diplomatic, military, social, economic, and cultural aspects Incorporates the scholarship of more than 200 internationally recognized contributors from around the world, many writing about events and issues from the perspective of their country of origin Offers more than 100 original documents—a collection that draws heavily on material from archives in China, Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union Provides hundreds of powerful images and dozens of informative maps detailing specific military conflicts and movements of various groups Includes a detailed chronology of important events that occurred before, during, and after the Cold War
Rhetoric Review, 2007
Even 50 years after the Götterdämmerung in Berlin and war crimes trials in Nürnberg, few themes grip, haunt, or polarize German public life more than World War II. The enduring legacy of guilt, search for accountability, shame over complicity, and political imperative of reconciliation have left their mark on the German psyche-not to mention foreign policy-even in the buoyant, self-confident years since the 1990 unification of the country. Three recent events on the cultural scene demonstrate this point with telling clarity. They are the commercial success in Germany of Daniel J. Goldhagen's controversial study Hitler's Willing Executioners; the furor evoked in conservative Munich by a traveling exhibit of graphic wartime photographs titled Vernichtungskrieg im Osten: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 1941-44 (War of Extermination in the East: Crimes of the Wehrmacht, 1941-44), and the remarkable popularity of a lengthy video chronicle produced over the last six years by the television network ZDF, the latest episodes of which provide a psychological portrait of Hitlers Helfer (Hitler's Henchmen). The uproar over the photos in Crimes of the Wehrmacht led politicians throughout the German political spectrum to intercede. Hitler's Willing Executioners and historiandirector Guido Knopp's 400-page companion volume to the TV series Hitler's Henchmen concurrently graced the nonfiction bestseller list for months. And ZDF, recognizing popular demand, has announced plans to continue its historical documentaries into the year 2000. Why the clamor? All three of these events reflect the German obsession with a traumatic chapter in modern history, one on which a chasm separates young from old. Germans feel stark ambivalence about reopening the Nazi past, and polls show that a majority prefers not to disturb its ghosts. Some claim weariness with the issue, others assert its irrelevance to the present day. Yet a generational fault line divides the population: roughly two-thirds of those above age 30 favor putting the issue to rest, while a like number below age 30 oppose it. The question of complicity has long been as much a political question as a fathers-and-sons conflict. Some groups confront it only reluctantly; others eagerly seize the chance to do so. The Left is quick to condemn the Wehrmacht as "the Devil's army," the sine qua non of Nazi genocide, while the Right perpetuates the image of a force free of collective guilt and avidly shifts the blame for atrocities to the leadership or to the SS. The implications of this disagreement figure prominently in electoral politics and Bundestag debates on, for instance, the out-of-area deployment of German forces to once-occupied countries in central Europe. Our unfortunate Bundeswehr colleagues, virtually all born after 1945, find themselves caught in the crossfire. The truth is a differentiated one. Many, though certainly not all, Wehrmacht units and individual soldiers do share the responsibility for war crimes. The SS did not act alone; much of the savagery which Himmler's police inflicted *Hitler-eine Bilanz (Hitler):
Soshum: Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2019
The Cold War that occurred between 1945 and 1991 was both an international political and historical event. As a political event, the Cold War laid bare the fissures, animosities, mistrusts, misconceptions and the high-stake brinksmanship that has been part of the international political system since the birth of the modern nation-state in 1648. As a historical event, the Cold War and its end marked an important epoch in human social, economic and political development. The beginning of the Cold War marked the introduction of a new form of social and political experiment in human relations with the international arena as its laboratory. Its end signaled the end of a potent social and political force that is still shaping the course of political relationship among states in the 21 st century. The historiography of the Cold War has been shrouded in controversy. Different factors have been given for the origins of the conflict. This work is a historical and structural analysis of the historiography of the Cold War. The work analyzes the competing views of the historiography of the Cold War and create an all-encompassing and holistic historiography called the Structuralist School.
2016
This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external’ realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective ...
Gaps between rhetoric and reality in U.S. foreign policy have often been large; indeed such gaps might be said to constitute a defining characteristic of this nation's diplomacy. I When U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower announced the 'domino theory' at a news conference in 1954, he was not announcing a radical departure in Washington's understanding of the emerging situation in Indochina. Rather, he was making public aspects of U.S. foreign policy that had been in the making since the end of World War ll, which in turn interacted with older themes. This essay will first situate this 'theory' in the historiography of the Vietnam War in order to contextualise what follows. It will then map the formation of the domino theory from 1945 to 1954, and will briefly look at the broader implications of such an approach in foreign policy. This will be achieved by examining the secondary literature on the various historical events covered and reviewing the relevant primary sources. It is the contention of this essay that 11. L. Gaddis, 'Was the Truman doctrine a real turning point?' in Foreign affairs, Vo!. 52, No. 2 (Jan. t974), p. 386.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.