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2025, CommunICare
https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.28690241…
6 pages
1 file
In this article, I examine the phenomenological and anthropological dimensions of rare disease experiences. Drawing on medical anthropology frameworks and O'Rourke's illness narrative, I analyze how rare diseases transform the body from a transparent medium into an opaque object that disrupts identity and worldly relations. I focus on three key themes: (1) the phenomenological rupture in undiagnosed illness, where subjective suffering meets social invisibility; (2) the essential dialogue between biomedical knowledge and anthropological understanding in contexts where traditional categories fail; and (3) the enduring healing vocation that persists despite systemic healthcare pressures. Integrating frameworks from Csordas, Kleinman, Good, and Frank, I demonstrate how rare diseases reveal broader truths about illness experience. Effective care requires recognizing patients as persons whose experiences demand legitimation, addressing both biological and existential dimensions of suffering.
The Constitution of the World Health Organization in conjunction with the United Nation's Declaration of Human Rights Article 2 declare that health is a human right no matter a person's background or socio-status. I would like to suggest that " biological condition " be included with race, religion, political belief, economic and social condition because it is culturally constructed like these other categorizations. Numerous studies are conducted on how race, religion, and socioeconomic position can lead to marginalization from the biomedical field. However, it is often overlooked how one's biological condition can lead to similar exclusion. Ethnographic research was conducted through field study and personal interviews. Supporting research was found through secondary sources. The way society and the medical field (mis)understand us continues to be highly problematic. Doctors, patients, and society must acknowledge the myth that Western biomedicine is omniscient in order to minimize the marginalization of sufferers of rare health problems. The pain caused by cultural marginalization can be as equally debilitating as the biological disease itself. If we can deconstruct this marginalization and reimagine a new way of addressing rare health conditions, then those afflicted by these illnesses will suffer a great deal less.
Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 2023
This collection contemplates that which resides at the limits of the anthropology of health and medicine. By "limit," we mean that "outside which there is nothing to be found" and "inside of which everything is to be found" (de la Cadena 2015: 14, citing Ranajit Guha 2002: 7). Our work takes place within many kinds of limits: epistemological frameworks, ethical and moral commitments, disciplinary norms, ontological certainties, political economies, writing conventions, and the ends of life, to name a few. In this collection of essays and accompanying conversations, we consider how medicine and health are performed in ways that appear beyond such limits—as impossible, unreal, unscientific, irresponsible, unthinkable, nonacademic, non-replicable, fictitious, unethical, unruly, or untrue—but which, nonetheless, are. In so doing, this collection moves toward the speculative to examine the potential it holds for displacing our sedimented ways of thinking and producing knowledge in and about medicine, health, and healing. Our speculative orientation draws on and augments broader anthropological interventions that experiment with doing, thinking, and writing otherwise.
Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 1998
W ar, violence, and repression remain a way of life for many women, men, and children in the world today. The articles in this special issue of MAQ relate poignant stories of violence and suffering in multiple geographical and cultural locations including Nicaragua, Palestine, Mozambique, Tibet, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. These articles focus on examining the meanings and complexities of the lived experience of repression and terror and reveal the extraordinary and subtle means by which people subvert, contest, and appropriate violence. They also question the common perception that political violence and repression operate in the same way everywhere. Medical anthropologists have begun to pay closer attention to war, conflict, and human aggression and also to how everyday forms of violence and suffering (Das 1996; Farmer 1996; Kleinman 1996; Scheper-Hughes 1992, 1996) structure people's everyday reality and social relations. As a collective effort, the articles presented here pay close attention to quotidian life-the humble, familiar, and mundane aspects of everyday experience, what Henri Lefebvre (1991) has called the "revolution of everyday life." In doing so, these articles reveal not only the suffering and alienation that violence and warfare produce, but also the human possibilities that violence and warfare engender. This human potential is optimistically demonstrated in Carolyn Nordstrom's article about the recent war in Mozambique, which illuminates the creative ways in which people unmake violence. And it is tragically described in Linda Pitcher's portrayal of the intentional death of the Palestinian shaheed, or martyr. Bodies and Embodiment Although medical anthropology has long been concerned with the physical and emotional suffering of the body that results from illness, disease, and death, the
Ambivalent visibility. Chronic illness and image in young adulthood. , 2015
This photo essay represents a collaboration with a group of adolescents and young adults who have cystic fibrosis, a fatal chronic disease. Through fieldwork in Berlin, Germany, we explored how young people – who often do not readily appear to be sick – integrate therapy into their daily lives and manage the visibility of their illness. The visibility of their illness is ambivalent: while it excludes them from the group of the healthy ones, it is also a resource that can be used to gain support and care. Yet, this ambivalence can only be navigated to a certain extent. The double status of someone with CF – at once inherently ill and apparently healthy – results in their unintelligibility, as most outsiders try to sort them into one group or the other.
Cultural Crossings of Care: An appeal to the Medical Humanities (University of Oslo, October 2018)
What does it mean to take a phenomenological approach in anthropology? In this class, we will examine contemporary ethnography that seeks to describe and theorize lived experience, with particular attention to sensory perception, subjectivity, and inter-subjectivity. We will also look into the philosophical tracts that inspire such work, as well as the historical contexts in which those philosophies arose.
American Ethnologist, 2010
Is coping with illness really a matter of agency? Drawing on ethnographic research among people with rheumatological and neurological chronic diseases in the United States, I argue that patients’ coping strategies were informed by a cultural expectation of productivity that I call the “John Wayne Model,” indexing disease as something to be worked through and controlled. People able to adopt a John Wayne–like approach experienced social approval. Yet some people found this cultural model impossible to utilize and experienced their lack of agency in the face of illness as increasing their suffering, which was made all the worse if their sickness was invisible to others. Unable to follow the culturally legitimated John Wayne model, people fell into what I call the “Cultured Response”—the realm beyond the agency embedded in cultural models, in which people do not resist but embrace as ideal the cultural expectations they cannot meet and that oppress their sense of value in the world. [suffering, cultural models, agency, chronic illness, United States, cultural anthropology, medical anthropology]
Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 1997
AM. Rivista della Società Italiana di Antropologia Medica, 2009
The focus in this chapter is on the relationship between illness experience, disease categories, social class and ethnic relations. More specifically the chapter argues that through the use of disease categories and illness stories patients-here especially from the lower social strata-situate themselves within their social environment in connection with categories as ethnicity and class. From 2004-2005 I carried out fieldwork in the south of Chile among patients, doctors and shamans-the so-called machis-of the Mapuche Indians. The Mapuche Indians are an ethnic minority with a population of 1.3 million people. They live in the south of Chile in reservations (comunidades) as well as in the capital Santiago. The medical practice of their shamans has been revitalized over the last decades and has become a very popular medical choice both among Mapuche Indians and other Chileans-especially near urban centres (BACIGALUPO A. M. 2001). In their medical work the machis normally diagnose on the basis of observing urine (willintun) and through entering trance state; the medical practice consists of a combination of rituals and herbal remedies. During my fieldwork I observed that in everyday conversation in Southern Chile knowledge and experience of illness and use of medicines-especially biomedicine and Mapuche medicine-were often-discussed topics among members of the family, neighbours and colleagues. Conversations about illness and medical practices frequently touched upon illnesses that involved symptoms with no apparent organic pathology. In particular, people shared stories of "strange" afflictions with quite similar symptoms: typically these were psychological symptoms like anxiety, lack of energy, loss of memory, constant desire to cry, combined with diffuse physical symptoms such as dizziness, nausea, swellings or intense pain, which most often were manifested in the head or stomach, but did also have a tendency to move location within the body. Some cases discussed, however, also 10-Kristensen.pmd 02/11/2010, 16.55 183 Dorthe Brogård Kristensen 184 AM 27-28. 2009 involved serious, and often terminal, diseases, which did have a biomedical diagnosis; the most common was cancer. These illness stories were, furthermore, accompanied by the complaint that the recent social changes and modernity hadn't brought much that was good, and many expressed a general feeling of being stuck in a rut without many opportunities to change the current social and economic situation. Others said they felt "crushed" and that they did not feel "alive". In addition, people complained of the cost of medical treatment, the long waiting for medical examinations as well as the failure of the medical doctors to detect a disease. A fundamental part of these stories was an evaluation of the medical diagnosis and treatment that the patients had received, from their medical doctor, as well as alternative practitioners. In Southern Chile indigenous disease categories are part of a general repertoire of folk knowledge. Here the distinction between, on the one hand, natural illness, such as colds, wounds, infections and flues, and on the other, spiritual (or supernatural) illness, reflects popular talk on health matters. To the latter category-spiritual illness-belong those types of afflictions, where an external agent, a spirit, ancestor or witch, is believed to have affected both the body of the patient, as well as his surroundings, causing physical, psychological and social unbalances. In the anthropological and biomedical literature the bodily afflictions described, which are diagnosed by patients and practitioners within an alternative or indigenous medical traditions, have been referred, to as "folk-illnesses", "idioms of distress" (NICHTER M. 1981) or "culture-bound syndromes" (SIMONS R.-HUGHES C. 1985). Locally they are referred to as "Mapuche-illnesses" or "spiritual illnesses", as alternative and Mapuche practitioners often explain illnesses through the Mapuche worldview, taking as a point of departure the belief in spiritual forces.
Culture Medicine and Psychiatry - CULT MED PSYCHIAT, 1997
Social Science & Medicine, 1993
Human Studies, 2010
The descriptions of fire charmers’ practice, its context, and physicians’ stances toward these healing practices demonstrate the resistance of French biomedical institutions toward the full acceptance of the logic of care. I draw on data from observations conducted in a rural area of the Auvergne, France (1996–1999), semistructured interviews with general practitioners, healers, and oncologists collected between 1993 and 2011, and online investigations of fire charming, to provide new insights into the relationships between French physicians and fire charmers. In doing so, I explore the distinction between clinical=empirical practice and scientific knowledge.
Global Public Health, 2012
Irish Journal of Anthropology, 2016
Building on the works of sociologists of health and illness that have highlighted the effects of visible difference and stigmatisation since Goffman, this article examines the ambivalence of visibility experienced by people with cystic fibrosis (CF), a fatal chronic disease and the artful tactics they employ in carving out a habitable space in an ableist world. Dealing with the ambivalence of being at once inherently ill and apparently healthy is a process of giving constant care and attention to one's body and its presence in public, and if successful, enabling those affected by it to acquire a new - albeit temporary - healthy self with the help of therapy.
Studia Gilsoniana, 2021
This paper is intended to consider whether human vulnerability as manifested in the situation of being ill can be accepted as a profound human limitation in life that contributes to a deeper understanding of what it ultimately means to be human—to learn not only to live with suffering but to live through it. Also a further horizon, which is looked at more closely from philosophical and theological points of view, is drawn by understanding one’s own being as gift.
Many of the most vociferous critiques of medicalisation present the process as an instance of hermeneutical injustice - a form of epistemic injustice that prevents people having the hermeneutical resources available to interpret and communicate significant areas of their experience.1 Such arguments propose that medical institutions bear such overwhelming epistemic authority that, when a given phenomenon is modelled in medical terms, this model is taken to be the definitive description, thus rendering invisible aspects of the phenomenon (especially psychological or social dimensions) that may be less salient to its pathophysiological interpretation.2,3 In this paper, I propose to consider this line of argument in relation to the medicalisation of ‘medically unexplained symptoms’ (MUS), persistent physical complaints for which no consistent organic pathology can be demonstrated. Examination of clinical encounters between health workers and patients with MUS, I argue, demonstrates that understanding the epistemic consequences of medicalisation requires more nuance than is often displayed in the hermeneutical injustice critique. Rather than being constrained to speak of their suffering within the conceptual framework of biological medicine, patients with MUS draw on a wide range of conceptual resources to interpret their experience, often themselves reshaping the medical framework itself, or employing medical terminology as a tool to frame non-medicalised interpretations.4 Moreover, such interpretations readily admit psychological, social, and political dimensions in characterising their experiences.5 However, these encounters also serve to highlight a different issue that, if not a hermeneutical injustice, constitutes at least an unwarranted hermeneutical privilege afforded medical institutions. The ostensible purpose of medicalising a given phenomenon is to identify its biological substrate such that interventions able to modify it with desirable consequences may be developed and applied. But the benefits to patients with MUS of their medicalisation appear entirely distinct from – and in some cases even opposed to – this prima facie purpose. Many instead seek primarily explanations of their suffering that serve to ‘legitimise’ it and to exculpate them from its consequences.6,7 That medicalisation plays for patients with MUS this role tangential to the intended societal function of medical institutions, suggests that these institutions are afforded an unwarranted hermeneutical privilege in determining which forms of human experience comprise legitimate forms of suffering, and what social roles different individuals should fulfil. I conclude by considering how acknowledging these divergent functions of medicalisation may help to prevent conflict between health workers and patients with MUS and enhance management of such conditions.
In this chapter, I want to examine the elements of illness experience as they are enacted in a clinical encounter to show how different narrative possibilities are tendered but not fully carried out because of cross-purposes between clinician and patient. What exists in place of an overarching integrative narrative, or even two side-by-side texts, is an inter-cutting, heteroglossia and, ultimately, mutual subversion of accounts. This subversion leads to the failure to construct a shared narrative on which joint action can proceed. In offering this example, I hope to show that by focusing on narratives in their discursive context, with attention to rhetorical aims, we can identify those situations of flawed reality construction that are among the most significant examples of clinical impasses. These situations of conflict and contestation can reveal structural problems and ideological conflicts in medical care; at the same time, they provide important opportunities for the creation of new meaning.
O Adoecer (Becoming sick), 2019
Narrative psychology is concerned with the stories we tell each other about the events in our lives. Though careful analysis of these narrative accounts we can deepen our understanding of the experience of illness. This chapter considers the character of the narrator, the structure of the narrative and the context within which they are told. Portuguese translation (Narrativas sobre doenças e o corpo) published in O Adoecer (On Becoming Sick) edited by Julieta Quayle (2019) Rio de Janiero: Editora dos Editores.
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