Ancient History

Drawing its title from William Blake, this essay explores the question of friendship in Iain Pears’s novel, The Dream of Scipio (2002). Using three overlapping historical narratives, Pears traces how the classical understanding of friendship, grounded in a logic of commonly held values, has given birth to a civilization that is both exclusionary and unethical. He makes his case by using the history of anti-Semitism to show how routine persecution of the Jews culminating in the Holocaust became a way to solidify communities in the face of such crises as barbarian invasions, the Black Death, and economic decline. The purpose of this essay is to examine Pears’s critique of the limitations of civilization and to outline his vision of a new perception of friendship that understands and values the ethical and pragmatic importance of difference.

In 1940, the Adolf-Hitler-School presses in Kempten printed a history-textbook written by the well-known archaeologist and AHS-Erzieher Otto-Wilhelm von Vacano, entitled Sparta: Der Lebenskampf einer nordischen Herrenschicht (‘Sparta: The Life-Struggle of an Aryan Master-Race’). The work was endorsed by the schools’ Chief Inspector, Kurt Petter, with the aim that Sparta should provide a paradigm for pupils, helping them to build the Führer’s ‘Thousand-Year Reich’ by historical example; Sparta’s failures were to be avoided, and her successes emulated. This article explores the ways in which Vacano’s treatment of Sparta can be seen as paradigmatic of the way in which all school subjects were distorted by the Nazis’ ‘new pedagogy’ in order to fulfil the fundamental aims of Hitler and the Nazi leadership, moulding the young in conformity with National Socialist principles. Vacano’s work also implicitly encouraged pupils both to identify themselves with young Spartans, and to see their Adolf-Hitler-School education as a contemporary continuation of ancient Spartan methods.

Assessing the impact of cultural change on parasitism has been a central goal in archaeoparasitology. The influence of civilization and the development of empires on parasitism has not been evaluated. Presented here is a preliminary analysis of the change in human parasitism associated with the Inca conquest of the Lluta Valley in Northern Chile. Changes in parasite prevalence are described. It can be seen that the change in life imposed on the inhabitants of the Lluta Valley by the Incas caused an increase in parasitism.

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The result of our investigation is twofold. We have to admit minimally that the view that in F 223 EK Posidonius postulated a kind of universal east-west climatic differentiation does not stand up to the close scrutiny. We may also conclude with an equal degree of confidence that the theory which Posidonius referred to in F 223 EK was the same by which he sought to explain the climatic difference between the equatorial and the tropical zone. After that, we suggest a possible explanation of how Posidonius could have used this theory to prove that ‘east’ is wet and ‘west’ is dry. Posidonius’ idea becomes perfectly intelligible, provided that he was speaking not of the whole oikoumene, but only of the western and eastern parts of the inner Libya.
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This research considers the long-term relationship between women’s oral health and the transition to agriculture by examining dental caries and tooth loss in a prehistoric skeletal sample. Archaeological research indicates that women in many early agricultural communities experienced more severe dental pathology than male counterparts. Dentition was examined in an Early Agricultural skeletal sample from the La Playa site in Sonora, Mexico. Frequencies of caries and antemortem tooth loss (AMTL) were analyzed to test the hypothesis that in an early agricultural population undergoing major cultural changes, females experienced increased oral disease burden due to changes in the oral microenvironment resulting from greater reproductive stress. Adult females and males had similar caries rates, however, there were significant sex-differences in AMTL (p=.02). Comparisons across age groups indicate that La Playa women had substantial increases in AMTL, losing considerably more teeth than men. These findings, in light of dental research on oral health and pregnancy, provide an important temporal component to understanding the evolution and history of oral health and agriculture. The results suggest a dynamic process in the development of oral health trends as a function of the shift to agriculture and the burden of increased childbearing that females undertook during this transition.

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book will be useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.Reviews: 'This book is a serious and in-depth reading of Iraqi political history. Isakhan's argument, bolstered by an impressive array of source material, is a direct affront to the use of violence to impose a wholesale American "democracy" on a society that has its own rich history of egalitarian and collective forms of governance.' Muhsin Al-Musawi, Columbia University, USA 'Democracy in Iraq expertly excavates democratic traditions that have long been buried in Western Orientalism and Bathist totalitarianism. In demonstrating that a will towards collective and participatory governance has existed over the centuries, Benjamin Isakhan rescues assessments for Iraqi democratisation from the kind of negative determinism, deracinated from history and local culture, that has dominated scholarly and policy debates.' James Piscatori, Durham University, UK

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Archaeologist Oded Lipschits, from Tel Aviv University (Israel), is directing the excavations at Ramat Rachel, Israel, in a joint expedition with Heidelberg University (Germany). This is an interview with O. Lipschits, in which he tells us about the development of the dig, the history of the site, and how the recent war in the Lebanon influenced this year’s dig.

O conjunto dos historiadores antigos de língua latina, em especial Tito Lívio, Tácito e Amiano Marcelino, cujos textos chegaram melhor preservados até nós, apresenta determinadas características que os diferenciam da historiografia grega, e formam assim uma tradição escrita peculiar. Este artigo pretende discutir alguns aspectos teóricos relacionados à definição do gênero narrativo da historiografia latina, em especial quanto aos recursos retóricos utilizados pelos autores latinos para se inserir e se legitimar dentro da tradição.

Latin historians, such as Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus, whose texts have survived in better condition, have a set of particular features that distinguish them from Greek historiography, thus creating a distinctive written tradition. This article discusses some theoretical aspects related to the definitions of genre in Latin historiography, notably the rhetorical tools used by the Latin historians in order to include and endorse themselves within tradition.

The aim of The Secret History of Democracy has been to open debate on a larger view of democratic practice than that encapsulated by its wellknown standard history. The book came about from a concern that, while democracy was experiencing an ascendancy that began in the aftermath of the Second World War and intensified with the end of the Cold War, the global uptake of this particular form of governance came at the very moment when its limitations were becoming clearer: in its European and American heartlands there was less interest in participating in democracy; Clinton began in hope but ended in scandal; 9/11 was a victory for intolerance precisely because Western democracy restricted its own freedoms; the Bush, Blair and Howard governments became less relevant to their constituents and waged unpopular wars; the global financial crisis revealed democracy’s dependence on a flawed economic model; and difficulties in dealing with the global impact of climate change showed the limitations of national democracies, hostage to sectional interests. The exemplars of democracy were not having an easy time.

The notion that democracy could have a ‘secret’ history might at first seem strange to many readers. Indeed, the history of democracy has become so standardized, is so familiar and appears to be so complete that it is hard to believe that it could hold any secrets whatsoever. The ancient Greek practice of demokratia and the functions of the Roman Republic are foundational to Western understanding of politics; school textbooks introduce the Magna Carta and the rise of the English Parliament; Hollywood blockbusters recount the events surrounding the American Declaration of Independence; many best-selling novels have been written about the French Revolution; and the gradual global spread of the Western model of democracy has been a recurrent news story since the end of the Cold War. So pervasive is this traditional story of democracy that it has achieved the status of received wisdom: endlessly recycled without criticism by policy-makers, academics, in the popular media and in classrooms across the world.

The central argument of this book is that there is much more to the history of democracy than this foreshortened genealogy admits. There is a whole ‘secret’ history, too big, too complex and insufficiently Western in character to be included in the standard narrative.

Could democracy have a 'secret' history? Most of us are familiar with a history of democracy that emphasises the keystone moments in the story of Western civilization: the achievements of the ancient Greeks and Romans, the more recent development of the British parliament, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Revolution, and the gradual global spread of democracy since the end of the Cold War. The central argument of this book is that there is much more to the history of democracy than this standard history admits. There is a whole secret history, too big, complex and insufficiently 'Western' in character to be included in common accounts.

In exploring The Secret History of Democracy, the contributors establish that democracy was developing in the Middle East, India and China before classical Athens, clung on during the 'Dark Ages' in Islam, Iceland and Venice, was often part of tribal life in Africa, North America and Australia, and has developed in unexpected ways through the grassroots activism of Muslims, feminists and technophiles.


"This exciting book surely enlivens and enriches our debate on democracy and its future by digging afresh oft-forgotten, yet most enlightening democratic experiences found in human history. "
- Takashi Inoguchi, Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo and President of the University of Niigata Prefecture, Japan

"The thought-provoking essays gathered in The Secret History of Democracy provide convincing evidence that democratic mechanisms have been invented many times and in many places, including times and places neglected in common accounts. This collection is a sobering reminder that democratic practices have often been succeeded by something else. But one also takes away a sense of the dynamic character of democratic history and the endless diversity of practices with some reasonable claim to embody democratic principles. As growing numbers wonder about what sorts of political institutions make sense in the face of the enormous problems confronting the twenty-first century, this demonstration of the long human history of political creativity gives some reason for hope."
-John Markoff, Professor, University of Pittsburgh, USA

"A fascinating, thought-provoking and well-informed survey of little-known "roots of democracy" and "proto-democratic" systems and movements across the globe , from ancient and "primitive" to modern societies. An eye-opener that forces us to differentiate more carefully and to rethink the history of democracy."
- Kurt Raaflaub, Emeritus Professor, Brown University, USA

"Abstract :
This article presents a hypothetical Egyptian etymology for the Greek name of an Isieion of Koptos, mentioned on a bilingual stela (hieroglyphs and greek) from the corpus of Parthenios son of Paminis (Lyon inv. 1969-176): gr. Πιμμειῶμις < eg. “The estate of the sea road” (Pȝ-ʿ.wy-n-mj(.t)-ym) or, less probably, “That of the sea road” (Pȝ-n-mj(t)-ym). The road in question is certainly one of the two tracks linking the Red Sea to Koptos running through the Eastern Desert, the track of Myos Hormos by the Wadi Hammamat, or the track of Berenike.

Cet article présente une hypothèse d’étymologie égyptienne pour le nom grec d’un Isieion de Coptos mentionné sur une stèle bilingue (inscription en hiéroglyphes et en démotique) du corpus de Parthénios fils de Paminis (Lyon inv. 1969-176) : gr. Πιμμειῶμις < ég. « Le domaine de la route de la mer » (Pȝ-ʿ.wy-n-mj(.t)-ym) ou, moins probablement, « Celui de la route de la mer » (Pȝ-n-mj(t)-ym). La route en question est sans doute à identifier à l’une des deux pistes qui reliaient la mer Rouge à Coptos, à travers le désert Oriental, celle de Myos Hormos par le ouadi Hammâmât, ou celle de Bérénikè.

_______________________________________
Keywords :
Koptos – Isis – Isieion – Parthenios – Red Sea."

Nearly every major philosophy, from Plato to Hegel and beyond, has argued that democracy is an inferior form of government, at best. Yet, virtually every contemporary political philosophy working today - whether in an analytic or postmodern tradition - endorses democracy in one variety or another. Should we conclude then that the traditional canon is meaningless for helping us theorize about a just state? In this paper, I will take up the criticisms and positive proposals of two such canonical figures in political philosophy: Plato and Hegel. At first glance, each is rather disdainful, if not outright hostile, to democracy. This is also how both have been represented traditionally. However, if we look behind the reasons for their rejection of (Athenian) democracy and the reasons behind their alternatives to democracy, I believe we can uncover a new theory of government that does two things. First, it maps onto the so-called Schumpeterian tradition of elite theories of democracy quite well. Second, perhaps surprisingly, it actually provides an improved justification for democratic government as we practice it today than rival theories of democracy. Thus, not only are Plato and Hegel not enemies of modern democratic thought after all, but each is actually quite useful for helping us develop democratic theory in a positive, not negative, manner.

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The theme of this paper is to highlight problems in assessing long distance contact and exchange in the prehistory of Eurasia, from a materials science point of view and from the vantage point of material culture studies.  Much of our understanding of the development of civilizations rests on our understanding of contact between culture groups in prehistory. This is particularly so for inner Eurasia, and so it is of utmost interest to refine and revise our evidentiary interpretations of past contact and exchange between East and West. There are also basic problems, from differences and lacunae in chronometric data, to problems of access to site reports due to language barriers and/or publication delays, which challenge the development of models of culture contact and interchanges and the interpretation of archaeological data. This paper overviews current problems, suggesting practice towards their amelioration for future, internationally collaborative archaeologies of the regions later known as the Steppe and Silk Roads.

There are three major cultural uses of the hooligan concept that concern the discussion of Norman Manea’s last memoir-novel, referred to in the title of the present paper. Mircea Eliade used the term in reference to the amoral young generation that contributed to the Iron Guard activities in his novel The Hooligans (1935). Mihail Sebastian employed it in his composite pamphlet How I Became a Hooligan (1935), which answered Nae Ionescu’s anti-Semitic Preface to his novel For Two Thousand Years (1934). The self-ironic hooligan self-denomination referred to his scandalizing both the Romanian anti-Semites and the Romanian Jews in his honest, direct novel. Finally, Norman Manea took the term over, ironically too, but also as a post-modernist inter-textual reference to Sebastian’s case, in The Hooligan’s Return (2003), wherein the hooligan stands for the Jewish anti-Communist artist’s condition opposing the Romanian anti-Semitic Communist and post-Communist mainstream.
The social outsider and rebel status suggested by this Jewish-Romanian hoodlum condition dramatizes Manea’s triple minority group exilic allegiance: ethnically as a Jewish Transnistrian Holocaust victim of the Romanian nationalist Antonescu regime (1934 – 1945), politically as an anti-Communist inmate of the Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s (1952 – 1965) and Nicolae Ceausescu’s gulag (1967 – 1986), and artistically as an immigrant writer in danger of losing his native linguistic foothold in the multicultural United States of America (1987-to date). Back in Romania, for a brief reluctant visit (1997), he will have the opportunity to doubly confirm the foreigner condition of his now dual cultural hyphenation as a Romanian-Jewish-American artist

Κεντρικός στόχος του κειμένου αυτού είναι να μελετήσει την πορεία ομοιογενοποίησης των συστημάτων μεταβίβασης των αγαθών στις επόμενες γενεές. Ιδιαίτερο βάρος δίνεται στην περιγραφή των τυπολογικών χαρακτηριστικών των τριών παλαιότερων συστημάτων που παρατηρήθηκαν στον ελληνικό χώρο και στις δημο-οικονομικές εξελίξεις που προσδιόρισαν την πορεία ομοιογενοποίησης.

The distinction between the neolithic and the preceding epi-palaeolithic period is no longer based on changes in subsistence strategy and the adoption of sedentary village life but once more on formal differences in material culture, particularly the chipped stone industries. This essay is an attempt to explore something of the nature of the differences between the two periods at a level deeper than those formal differences. It seeks to define one of the important contributory steps taken in the period before the total adoption of cultivation and herding. The assumption made is that in any given area there is no perceptible difference in the subsistence strategies of the later epi-palaeolithic and earliest neolithic periods. Consequently, any significant difference should be sought in the cultural, social or behavioural aspects of these communities. It is the thesis of this essay that Qermez Dere, northern Iraq, shows important architectural developments taking place at the beginning of the neolithic period, about 8250-8000 bc, developments which signify important social changes. These changes, it is argued, are signified in the title of the essay, a change of view from the house as shelter, the centre of certain everyday activities, to the house as home, the centre of the family and the focus for the representation of appropriate symbolic values.

The presented study investigates the pathologically changed animal bones from medieval Emden,
Germany. Conditions are described, interpreted and compared with material from Ireland (a regional study including
several historical sites), Germany (early medieval Hedeby and its successor Schleswig) and The Netherlands (Roman
settlement Tiel-Passewaaij).

Keywords: Palaeopathology, spavin, traction, periodontal disease, animal bones, Emden.

Em um trecho dos livros dos Anais dedicados ao principado de Tibério, Tácito faz uma análise das mudanças morais da sociedade romana entre o período Júlio-Cláudio e a ascensão de Vespasiano, e propõe a seguinte explicação: "A não ser que talvez exista algum tipo de ciclo em todas as coisas, e assim como se sucedem as estações, também mudam os costumes." 2 Mas o que Tácito queria dizer com esse "ciclo dos costumes"? Existiria nos Anais talvez algum indício dele? Pensar uma possibilidade de ciclos na narrativa de Tácito, morais ou não, significa em maior escala tentar compreender sua visão de tempo, construída tanto empiricamente quanto como abstração teórica. É surpreendente notar que este é um assunto pouco explorado na vastíssima extensão da literatura especializada referente ao autor. Sir Ronald Syme, por exemplo, dedica a esta passagem pouco mais de um parágrafo, dentro das mais de oitocentas páginas de seu livro, parafraseando o conteúdo da mesma e adicionando um breve comentário 3 .

"Este artigo discute, num primeiro momento, o conceito de temporalidade e de suas definições e aplicações, bem como algumas contradições inerentes a ele. Como objetivo principal, busca atualizar a discussão sobre como entender o uso da temporalidade dentro do contexto da historiografia antiga, fazendo uma crítica às associações da historiografia greco-romana com a idéia de ciclo e de seu contraponto na historiografia judaico-cristã, com a linearidade. Por fim, sugerimos que é possível ler essas duas diversas formas de historiografia invertendo tais idéias entre elas, demonstrando que tal paradoxo nada mais é do que reflexo dos paradoxos gerais do conceito teórico de temporalidade.

This article presents, in the first place, a debate on the concepts, definitions and applications of temporality, as well as some of its innate contradictions. The main goal here is to update the discussion about how to understand temporality within the context of Ancient Historiography, reviewing the associations of Greek and Roman Historiography with the idea of cycle and of its counterpoint, Jewish-Christian Historiography with linearity. Lastly, we suggest that it is possible to read these two different forms of Historiography also by an inversion of their associated ideas, thereby demonstrating that this paradox is nothing more than a reflection of the general paradoxes within the concept of temporality itself. Keywords: Ancient Historiography, time, temporality, cycle, decadence."

Pretendemos neste trabalho ler a obra de Tito Lívio através de uma determinada proposta: a Ab Urbe Condita seria a história não apenas da fundação e do desenvolvimento de Roma, mas também, através das ferramentas de interpretação que o próprio Tito Lívio nos traz, das refundações literais e/ou simbólicas da cidade. Nessa visão, podemos dizer que há um elemento de circularidade da História Romana em Tito Lívio, que demonstra sua originalidade em retrabalhar a tradição para especificar seus objetivos na construção do caráter romano e da definição de romanidade. Essa proposta de interpretação tem sido adotada em trabalhos como os de Kraus e Serres (KRAUS, 1994 e SERRES, 1983), e pretendemos aqui fazer uma leitura que tem primeiramente como base esses estudos. Seguimos, contudo, um pouco mais além, pra identificar paralelismos entre as narrativas e construções das figuras de Rômulo e Camilo no Ab Urbe Condita com a posição de Augusto na obra de Tito Lívio. É possível entender estes três momentos como pontos onde a renovação, tanto física, da cidade de Roma, e simbólica, da romanidade, são cruciais para o 1 Doutoranda em História Social -FFLCH/USP jbastos@usp.br desenvolvimento e consolidação do poderio romano. É claro que existem riscos nessa leitura, dado que obviamente não temos os livros de Tito Lívio relativos ao período augustano, mas podemos inferir vários elementos úteis no relacionamento entre Tito Lívio e Augusto, tanto reconhecíveis no texto quanto indiretos e externos, para que seja possível pelo menos uma tentativa de interpretação. Um outro problema que devemos considerar para verificar paralelismos de renovação de Roma em Rômulo, Camilo e Augusto é o aparente desequilíbrio na leitura do texto de Tito Lívio, na medida em que avaliaremos para tanto apenas os livros 1 (Rômulo), 5-6 (Camilo) e teoricamente os livros contemporâneos ao autor, descartando assim uma grande parte dos 142 livros do Ab Urbe Condita. Mas, quanto a isto, também deve ser observado que há um valor especial na primeira década de Tito Lívio, pelo caráter inicial de construção dos elementos da romanidade que depois, no decurso da História Romana, apenas se reafirmam. Pois, tomemos como base os seguintes Enfim, viver, estar fisicamente em Roma, assim como estão os deuses, é a condição sine qua non para ser romano. Sendo assim, Camilo faz com que Roma não seja a nova Tróia caída, quebrando portanto o ciclo de destruição das cidades e tornando a herança se Tróia um modelo abstrato, não mais uma realidade concreta. A Tróia que no final acaba por triunfar sobre os gregos perpetua-se em Roma. Augusto, durante seu governo, é comumente associado a Rômulo, como um novo fundador da cidade. Suetônio relata que alguns senadores tinham mesmo sugerido a Otaviano a adoção oficial de "Rômulo" como título, mas o nome "Augusto" foi escolhido pelo seu aspecto religioso e de dignidade em relação a santuários e locais consagrados pelos áugures 13 . Mas os dois nomes ainda estão interligados, quando vemos que Augusto aparece como um segundo Rômulo no sentido de refundar os pilares religiosos que definiam a identidade própria dos romanos. Para isso, foram adotadas diversas medidas para a retomada de cultos antigos que haviam caído em desuso e também pela restauração e construção de templos para diversas divindades 14 . Augusto ainda pode ser visto como um novo Camilo, pois que a refundação da cidade passou com o último também pela reconquista militar frente a uma invasão. Se Camilo derrotou os gauleses, Augusto derrota na guerra civil as forças de Marco Antônio e Cleópatra, que tinham uma forte tendência orientalizante. Camilo ressalta, como vemos no discurso de Tito Lívio, as virtudes fundamentais que constroem o caráter dos romanos, e Augusto na verdade faz o mesmo, pelo fortalecimento desses mesmos elementos perante a orientalização do império ameaçada com Marco Antônio. Nesse sentido, é fácil entender como essa refundação de Roma por Augusto tomou um caráter conservador. Augusto procura, em todas as mudanças que realizaseja em nível urbanístico, institucional ou outros -, promover o reestabelecimento da res publica 15 tradicional, dos princípios do mos maiorum, os valores antigos. O contraponto se dá explicitamente com o estado de degeneração moral da guerra civil, onde os valores tradicionais estavam corrompidos e deturpados por atitudes "não-romanas", como a ambição pelo poder e o desrespeito pela coletividade. Como observa Eder: "His greatest political achievement consists in having promoted the development of a patriotism that combined the legacy of the Republic and his own accomplishment in preserving that legacy. The Republic lived on, because Augustus had summoned once more to the consciousness of the Romans the responsibility that was traditional to them and befit them alone, namely, the responsibility of ruling over the earth: Tu regere impeio populos Romane memento [Virgílio, Eneida, 6.851]" (EDER, 1990:87) Como vimos acima, é através da auctoritas, que remete a Rômulo, que Augusto irá impor suas reformas e legitimizá-las. O texto das suas Res Gestae é revelador nesse sentido, pois nele Augusto pretende demonstrar que seus feitos foram voltados nada mais do que para o bom funcionamento do Estado, e todo o seu poder foi conquistado e

Using the ideas and terms developed by the psychologist Merlin Donald (1991, 2001), it is assumed that the human mind (as opposed to the physical brain) and human culture have co-evolved. Slowly at first, but with increasing rapidity, humans have increased their capacity for conscious processing, for communication, and for building culture as “a cognitive web, defining and constraining the parameters of memory, knowledge, and thought in its members, both as individuals and as a group” (Donald 2001, xiv). And a key factor in that co-evolution of mind and culture is the development of the facility to operate with symbols, in particular systems of symbolic representation. The hypothesis proposed in this paper is that some groups living in southwest Asia at the end of the Pleistocene period and the very beginning of the Holocene (in the archaeological terminology of the region, in the Epi-paleolithic and earliest Neolithic periods) made critically important advances in their symbolic employment of material culture. They began to use their built environment as a frame of symbolic reference, imbued with meaning and significance. For the first time in human history, they had devised means of embodying abstract concepts, beliefs and ideas about themselves and their world in externalised, permanent forms. By means of architecture, they constituted not only frameworks for the social life of the community and its constituent families or households but also “theatres of memory” in which the history of the community, its inhabitants and former inhabitants, and much else was recorded, retained and transmitted.

The version uploaded is not a pdf from the publication, but my Word .doc file that was submitted to the editors.

This paper argues that the two instances of the name Ila-kabkabi in the Assyrian King List (AKL) refer to two separate people. The majority of scholars follow the 'legitimisation' hypothesis and consider the two attestations as references to the father of Shamshi-Adad I. The argument follows that by placing his father's name in an early section of the AKL, Shamshi-Adad I attempted to legitimise his rule over Ashur. However, the evidence from Ashur and Mari does not support such a view. Further, the genealogy of the Neo-Assyrian king, Adad-nirari III, from Calah indicates that the Assyrian tradition did not consider the two instances of the name Ila-kabkabi in the AKL to refer to the same person. As a result of the proposed existence of two people named Ila-kabkabi in the AKL, I argue that the foundation of the 'legitimisation' hypothesis is undermined.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. This content downloaded from 82.35.234.71 on Sat, 15 Aug 2015 10:16:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AD UNGUEM Armand J. D'Angour vos, o Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite, quod non multa dies et multa litura coercuit atque praesectum deciens non castigavit ad unguem. (Horace Ars Poetica 291-94) You, O Sons of Pompilius, condemn that poem which many a day and many an erasure has not pruned and whittled down and chastened tenfold to the nail. "Censure a poem," Brink paraphrases, "which has not been reduced to right proportions and (when it has been reduced) has not been tested to a nicety."1 Tested, that is, by its author, whose action Horace has been thought here to be likening to the way a sculptor examines a com? pleted work for flaws. Translations of the final line commonly expand the phrase ad unguem to specify such a connotation, often taking prae? sectum to qualify unguem as in "to meet the test of the well-pared nail."2 But Brink has advanced convincing arguments against the supposition that praesectum qualifies unguem? Moreover, praesectum is positioned for emphasis and followed directly by deciens: the words must elaborate the process described by the foregoing coercuit.4 Prae-1 Brink 1971, 324-25. 2Rudd 1979, 198. Fairclough (1929, 475) similarly renders "to the test of the closecut nail." adduces Plautus' use of praesegmina for "nail clippings" to suggest that praesectum "goes naturally with unguem" 3Brink 1971, 323-24: "It makes sense neither to the stonemason nor to the Latinist ... the mason needs [his nails] for testing a true join, if he tests it that way ... ad unguem, 'to a nicety,' accepts an attribute as uncommonly as in annos." Some manuscripts have perfectum instead of praesectum: while the lectio difficilior is rightly retained by editors, perfectum would clearly pick up earlier carmen rather than look forward to unguem. 4Deciens might be taken with praesectum or castigavit. However, terminal atque in Horatian hexameters tends to connect the first word of the following line closely to the preceding verse rather than initiating a completely new clause, as in

Cet ouvrage présente une approche originale des textes épigraphiques évoquant les guérisons miraculeuses en Grèce antique. L'union des connaissances d'une philologue spécialiste du grec ancien et d'un médecin paléopathologiste permet de mieux saisir la richesse de ce corpus. Chaque texte est suivi d'une traduction moderne et de commentaires lexicaux et médicaux qui nous plongent directement au cœur des pratiques curatives dans les grands sanctuaires de Grèce comme Epidaure ou Lébèna.
Thérapies divines ou humaines ? Grâce à un diagnostic rétrospectif fiable et pondéré des maladies décrites et grâce à l'étude des soins apportés aux patients qui venaient s'endormir dans les temples d'Asclépios, les auteurs démystifient souvent l'idée de guérisons spontanées par la seule intervention du dieu. Leurs recherches réfutent également les anciennes théories qui faisaient passer tous les malades pour des hypocondriaques ou des « hystériques ».
Intégrant systématiquement les données paléopathologiques les plus récentes, et en les comparant aux données épigraphiques et aux descriptions cliniques fournies par ce choix de textes, cet ensemble permet de reconstituer un tableau relativement fourni et objectif de l’état sanitaire de ces populations mais également des pratiques médico-chirurgicales contemporaines, dans une perspective prudemment synchronique.
Du IVe siècle av. J.-C. au IIIe siècle de notre ère, ce parcours dans des sources textuelles parfois peu exploitées jusqu'à présent est une petite contribution à la compréhension de l'histoire de la médecine, de la religion et de la société.

This note contains information about job search for DPhil graduates. The first -and longest --part is devoted to the American job market, a large organized clearing house that meets once a year. The second part covers the European market. The emphasis is on academic and research jobs, although useful information is also provided on nonresearch jobs in the internet section. A list of Oxford resources appears at the end, as well as references to journal articles on the job market for economists and the ranking of various departments.