Ancient Historiography

A promotional blurb hails this work as "the definitive history of the Arabs before Islam." Detailed it is, with proper attention to epigraphical and material sources besides numerous maps (generally legible) and black and white photos (not always superior quality). Study of Roman Arabia exploded after the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 into a highly technical field with thriving archaeological activity. Efforts to understand Arabs, no longer limited to Syria, Iraq, Israel, and Jordan, now include the Arabian Peninsula. This book reflects a fruitful marriage of classicists with scholars of pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabs, already seen in Fisher's revised D.Phil. thesis, editorship of a valuable anthology, and scattered papers.[1] A short review cannot address the richness of the material, although the author seems most comfortable with Late Antique developments. Justification comes from a desire to replace Hoyland on pre-Islamic Arabia and to update for anglophones his study of Arab Christianity.[2] Shahîd's multiple volumes (1984, 1989,(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010) are scarcely cited (now passé?) and Retsö's monograph (2002) on Arab identity is ignored. Despite the title, the real focus of this ambitious work, narrowly Arabs and Arabia (Arabcentrism?), reflects the post-1967 emphasis on the Roman Near East's southern sector. The admirable attempt at comprehensive coverage, however, would overwhelm the presumed target audience, undergraduates or even non-specialist graduate students. Preference for Arabic names (e.g. al-Harith, Procopius' Arethas) that are not coordinated with designations in the PLRE, can

(full open access book)
While the study of Assyria as ‘the world’s first empire’ has never been more popular, the events of the foundational early Neo-Assyrian period (935–745 BC) remain only poorly understood and explained. This book re-examines the historical question of Assyria’s expansion, presenting a novel reconstruction of the early Neo-Assyrian period with the latest data (including new Assyrian kings), detailed regional studies synthesising the newest historical and archaeological findings, and interpretative essays outlining new historical factors.

The resultant history is unprecedentedly complex, containing newly discovered succession conflicts, difficult compromises with neighbouring powers, local dynasties appointed to Assyrian governorships, self-serving high officials, and sudden reverses in policy. In place of circular structuralist arguments for the Neo-Assyrian expansion, it presents a new model emphasising internal political conflict, and competing visions for Assyria’s future. This book is intended for historians and archaeologists of Assyria, for whom it will provide a new basis for research, and also for scholars of neighbouring disciplines and laypersons interested in what happens to an ancient state before it becomes an empire.

Reading Ezra 1-6 for its historiographic properties indicates: a) that the text deliberately manipulates readers' chronological expectations to antedate stages of the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple; b) that it does so in line with canons of ancient Near Eastern and Greek historiography, such that readers who know their history will have no difficulty in following it, but those who do not will be misled; that its most instructive functional parallels lie in the inscriptional corpus of Nabonidus; c) that it shares techniques in creating chronological ambiguity with I Esdras, and with Samuel-Kings, against Chronicles, confirming Japhet's position on their separate authorship; and, that it most likely draws on a source from the time of the 2nd Temple's dedication in 515.

discusses many aspects of the social, economic and religious life of the communities which lay on the frontier between Rome and Persia. In the time of Diocletian there is a Roman Mesopotamia. A substantial field army was formed, which drew its troops from the Danube as well as the eastern provinces. A peace treaty acknowledged not only northern Mesopotamia as Roman territory with the frontier marked by the river Tigris, but also the status of Armenia and Iberia as Roman client kingdoms. The settlement with Persia and the ensuing peace heralded a complete reorganization of the Mesopotamian limes. Two new provinces were formed; one east of the Khabur, with its capital at Nisibis and named Mesopotamia proper, the other between the Khabur and the great loop of the Euphrates, called Osrhoene and with its capital at Edessa. The Notitia Diqnitatum gives us some indication of which troops were present and where they were deployed. In 363 ad the Romans had lost control over the more remote parts. Archaeological work in the region has been hampered both by modern political divisions and by interest devoted to earlier civilizations. In his study of the Justinianic strengthening of the defences in the eastern provinces Procopius makes reference to earlier fortifications at numerous sites which include important strategic centres such as Edessa, Tella/Constantina, Resaina and Amida. The forces deployed in the Notitia lists show a striking uniformity, particularly in the numbers of the elite cavalry vexillations. From the narrative of Ammianus it is evident that sporadic warfare was endemic in the border provinces of Mesopotamia and Osrhoene throughout the mid-fourth century. Nisibis may have been garrisoned by cavalry units under the Tetrarchy. Eusebius does, refer to trouble in Armenia which he associates closely with the persecution of Christianity by Maximinus in 312. Mesopotamia is completely absent from the literary sources throughout these years. There are difficulties experienced by Constantius II in the mid-fourth century when he was twice faced with Persian invasions and western opponents at the same time. Constantine himself paid scant attention to the eastern frontier in the following years. There is no indication that he ever visited the area except for a brief stay at Antioch. Eusebius records another letter, sent to Alexander and Arius by Constantine in the hope of getting them to settle their differences, which refers to his failure to travel in Mesopotamia. According to Libanius, the Persian king sent ambassadors to demand frontier changes, presumably in similar terms to those used in a letter to Constantius in 358. It may be assumed that Constantine's reply was at least as forthright and uncompromising as that of his son a quarter of a century later. Possibly in response to the embassy and the threat of hostilities, Constantine dispatched the Caesar to the East in 333. According to Malalas, the establishment at Antioch of the first comes Orientis, Felicianus, also occurred in 335. Since he was appointed in order to supervise troop movements and to facilitate the organization of military supplies, it seems that this, too, was closely connected with the worsening situation on the eastern front. Constantius is credited by several sources with the fortification of Amida (modern-day Diyarbakır, Turkey), while he was still Caesar. Surprising that Constantine was apparently not satisfied with the delegation which was sent to sue for peace in the winter of 336/7. Sirks (2021) notes, that a common feature of the measures against heretics and apostates in the 4th century ad is that their rights regarding successions are being curtailed or even removed. The essential texts derive from the Theodosian Code from the 4th century. Heterodox Christians and apostates were persecuted as well once Christianity was favoured by Constantine. Thus orthodox (catholic) Christianity was favoured, be it not yet elevated to the official religion of the state. CTh 16,5,65 of 428 applied this sanction to all heretics and apostates. Later, under Justinian, heretics cannot inherit in any way (testamentarily and ab intestato, CJ 1,5,18,6ff.). Why did the emperors chose this sanction? The prevailing answer in literature is that it symbolises the deprivation of Roman citizenship, and, thus, rights. Another question is, why the Roman emperors combated what they characterised as heresies. Two significant sanctions were banishment and expropriations. The sanctions in the law of succession after 428 are discussed . The first is CTh 16,5,65 of 428, a long text which comprises all heretical sects. It sets sanctions thereby dividing the heretics in four groups, each with different sanctions. In a discussion of the close connection between citizenship and the testamenti factio, Sirks (2021) states that the withdrawal of the latter might in the rhetoric bombast of the imperial constitutions be equalled with loss of citizenship. The loss of the testamenti factio makes heretics as if peregrines, cutting them off from the body of Roman citizens. Regarding the Limes Moesia en Limes Thraciae, Falluomini (2015) mentions in the Gothic Version of the Gospels, that citations from Ot and NT are transmitted by a gothic fragmentary text (part of a sermon or liturgical prayer). The OT in gothic is lost. Auxentius mentions Ulfilas wrote several tractates and many interpretations in gothic, Greek and Latin. Ulfilas converted from Niceness Orthodoxy to the Homoean creed in 360-376. The Homoeans taught a form of Arianism that asserted that the Son was distinct from, but like (Greek homoios), the Father, as opposed to the Nicene Creed (The Nicene Creed • I believe in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Only Begotten Son of God, (...) • I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son, (...) I believe in one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church. I confess one Baptism for the forgiveness of sins), which stated that the Son is of one substance (Greek homoousios) with the Father ). Constantius II permitted Ulfilas and his followers to enter the Roman Empire, after they were attacked by Goths. As 'lesser Goths' they settled in Moesia Inferior (Nicopolis). Ulfilas was consecrated by Eusebius of Nicomedia, bishop under Constantius II. Falluomini (2015) supposes the Ulfilas translations came from a greek example and originated from Constantinople. Suggested is that the version of the translation of the Bible was at least orally before the crossing of the Danube (among all goths), and completed in Moesia. Jordanes calls the 'lesser goths', 'a sect'. The Ostrogoths, settled near Tomi (Constanta), used the gothic translation in the liturgy, according to Strabo (849 ad). The gothic Bible was

Pentru istoricul cercetării şi stadiul el actual vezi expunerile clare şi competente ale savantului francez A. Chastagnol. care se află în primele rînduri ale "înnoitorilor" cercetării privind această colecţie (Le probleme de l'Histoire Auguste:

Presentamos en las siguientes paginas los estudios y obras mas relevantes que desde el siglo XVIII se han publicado sobre la vida y obra de Cn. Pompeyo Magno y C. Julio Cesar. La amplia produccion historiografica y la diversidad de interpretaciones sobre dichos personajes nos ha llevado a defender la existencia de varios Pompeyos y Cesares.

Chronological issues concerning the Middle Bronze Age in the Near East remain hotly debated. Scholars have proposed various chronologies-High, High-Middle, Low-Middle, Low, and Ultra-Low-based on interpretations of data such as the Babylonian Chronology and the astronomical Venus Tablets. Although the Middle Chronology is best supported by available data, it itself exists in two versions: the High-Middle Chronology (hMC) and the Low-Middle Chronology (lMC). The primary difference between these two versions is an eight-year discrepancy.

A main observation in this paper is that while Hammurabi of Babylon reigned from 1792 to 1750 BC, Ammu Saduqa reigned from 1638 to 1618 BC. This suggests that the upper half of the Babylonian Dynasty follows the High Middle Chronology, while the lower half follows the Low Middle Chronology. If both observations are correct, then the discrepancy can be reconciled by adding eight years to the traditional Babylonian chronology. My solution identifies an erroneous reign length among the intervening kings-specifically, an extended reign of eight years for Samsu Ditāna, as evidenced by eight unassigned year names. Additionally, this revision fixes the date of the famous Sack of Babylon by Mursili I of Hatti to 1587 BC.

Tacitus; Dialogus de Oratoribus; Annales; Histories; Agricola; Date of Composition; Narratology; Role of Reader; Audience; Intertext; Seneca; Pliny; Cicero; Octavia; Julio-Claudians; Tragedy; Rhetoric; Oratory; Fictional Indices; Direct Discourse; Indirect Discourse

“The Growth of Pre-exilic Jerusalem According to the Book of Chronicles”, in: Robert Deutsch and André Lemaire (eds.), Gabriel - Tell this Man the Meaning of his Vision (Daniel, 8:16): Studies in Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography and the Biblical World in Honor of Gabriel Barkay On the Occasion of his 80th Birthday (22 June 2024), Tel Aviv: Archaeological Center Publications, 2024, 79-101.

Bei der Erforschung von Autoren, die zwischen der griechisch-römischen und jüdischen Lebenswelt changierten, muss besonders die Klärung einer schwierigen Frage immer eine wesentliche Grundlage aller Interpretation sein -die Frage ihrer sozialen wie kulturellen Identität.

The paper examines the Greek secondary colonial foundations on the Tyrrhenian coast of southern Italy, from southern Campania to Calabria (ancient Italy), with the aim of identifying the specificity of the settlement processes and valorising their exemplarity in relation to the different historical contexts. The focus is on the different settlements created by the Locrians in extreme Calabria and by the Achaean cities, Sybaris and Croton. In the first group, the methods of settlement and organisation show rel- evant links with the experience of the Locrian ethnos in the motherland. They realised a model of cooperation that was to be maintained for a long time, but without, at least in the first phases, paying particular at- tention to the ‘form’ of the city. On the other hand, as far as the Achaeans were concerned, Sybaris founded its first secondary apoikìai, Metapontum and Poseidonia, promoting real projects of autonomous political communities capable of supporting, on territorial and mythical-genealogical grounds, the creation of the identity of ‘Achaean’ Italìa. However, this is not a unique and always recurring model, as is shown by the fact that the Achaean colonial metropolises, both Sybaris and Croton, at different times and in different historical circumstances, founded secondary colonies with very different settlement patterns, with less territorial impact and urbanistic commitment, and even almost mimetic with the settlements of the local populations.

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Enquanto a perseguição de cristãos no Império Romano chegava ao fim, a Pérsia se voltava contra a Igreja. Estima-se, de forma conservadora, que o número de mortos na Pérsia foi dez vezes maior do que na pior perseguição romana. Muitos fugiram, outros permaneceram firmes. Hoje, seus testemunhos continuam a inspirar coragem em todos aqueles que sofrem por amor a Cristo .

Меѓународниот конгрес на историчари-слависти, посветен на темата: "Како да се изучува историјата на словенскиот свет денес?" (International Congress of Historian-Slavist "How to study the history of the Slavic world today?"), се одржа во С.Петербург (Руската

Resumo: A partir da discussão sobre as características da dominação romana na Britânia, buscamos examinar a construção da retórica imperial em torno da reconquista desta província pelo imperador Constâncio Cloro, no ano 296. Em especial, analisaremos as demonstrações do fausto imperial através das moedas e dos panegíricos que representaram Constâncio Cloro como o redditor lucis aeternae.

A perseguição aos cristãos é considerada por grupos religiosos como parte de uma única metanarrativa da História da Salva-ção que uniria o passado, o presente e o futuro da “Igreja Per-seguida”. Neste contexto, a argumentação sobre a “cristofobia” – a noção de que haveria perseguições a adeptos do cristia-nismo na contemporaneidade – ganhou destaque na discussão política contemporânea no Brasil. No presente artigo, busca-mos delinear os fundamentos das ações persecutórias aos cristãos no Império Romano como forma de desconstruir a interpretação anacrônica que conjuga, em um único relato, as perseguições na Antiguidade a uma “cristofobia” contemporânea.

Todas las sociedades, en esencia, están estructuradas en base a criterios de privilegios y poder que son atribuidos a sus miembros, y la concomitante distribución del trabajo con los correspondientes mecanismos de control. Es decir, poseen "clases" de personas. Y aunque la estructuración tiene muchos rostros, la verticalidad, antes que la horizontalidad, es la norma. Esto quiere decir que la igualdad o la equidad están ausentes. Más bien existen estratos, castas o niveles de personas claramente identificables.

En 1964, Heidegger postuló que la función histórica de la filosofía de proporcionar una explicación unificada del mundo estaba quedando obsoleta. La cibernética la había vencido, como disciplina capaz de dar cuenta tanto de la interacción de una célula con su entorno hasta del comportamiento humano o el funcionamiento de una computadora. La proclama de Heidegger del “fin de la filosofía” venía acompañada de una importante advertencia: este nuevo ethos tecnológico corre el riesgo de adoptar una actitud colonizadora hacia los seres humanos y el mundo natural. Por ese motivo, sugiere Yuk Hui en este libro, es que Heidegger recurre a artistas como Cézanne y Paul Klee, buscando descubrir una relación más ética entre la vida humana y la naturaleza. Este diálogo que cruza arte, filosofía y tecnología constituye el eje central de Arte y cosmotécnica. Recuperando los interrogantes de sus anteriores trabajos, Hui insiste en la posibilidad de superación de la modernidad desde una perspectiva no europea, esta vez tomando la experiencia estética china como camino para imaginar formas de tecnodiversidad.

Se trate de pinturas rupestres o de imágenes hechas con inteligencia artificial, el arte siempre dependió de la técnica como medio para expresarse. Esta imbricación es tal que observar la técnica a partir del arte nos permite reconocer de manera intuitiva su participación en un orden moral y cósmico determinado. A través de un recorrido comparativo entre la tragedia griega y la pintura de paisaje china –la pintura shan shui– Hui diferencia dos grandes modos de pensamiento estético (y filosófico). Mientras que la razón occidental se define por una lógica de discontinuidad trágica plagada de intentos por afirmar lo que Hegel llamó el “derecho superior de la Idea contra la naturaleza”, el arte chino exhibe una lógica de continuidad oposicional que se identifica con la noción taoísta de xuan. Esta dinámica pone la continuidad y la armonía por encima de la discontinuidad y la ruptura: shan y shui, “montaña” y “agua”, representan dos polos contrapuestos que se relacionan sin subordinarse, como el yin y el yang. Esta óptica nos abre a un modo de vinculación no instrumental con el mundo natural que se distancia del implacable proyecto tecnoextractivista moderno.

This paper examines the deliberate misrepresentation of North African history during the colonial era, focusing on the marginalization of Black populations and their contributions. Through an analysis of historical texts, and geographical accounts, this study highlights the original Black identity of the Berbers and the impact of white slavery in shaping regional demographics. It argues that colonial narratives have systematically obscured these truths, perpetuating a Eurocentric perspective that undermines the rich diversity and complexity of North African history.

Nesse artigo, a autora busca discutir as fronteiras existentes entre história e ficção e suas ressonâncias no ensino de História da Educação Básica. A partir de teorizações de historiadores como White, Schama, Burke e Gay, reflete sobre visões mais radicais e mais moderadas em relação à flexibilidade destas fronteiras. Amplia esta discussão em cima de temas que considera fundamentais para a sua compreensão como: o estilo; o olho contemporâneo e a recriação da história; a poesia e o ensino de História; a narrativa, o tempo e a ficção. Conclui considerando que, embora sejam tênues, sutis, delineadas e/ou demarcadas, as fronteiras entre história e ficção existem. Concorda com Burke quando este autor afirma que, para visitar estas fronteiras com mais segurança os historiadores precisam desenvolver suas próprias técnicas ficcionais. Visitas que podem significar, também para o professor de História, uma motivação para discutir com seus alunos questões historiográficas contemporâneas e do próprio conteúdo trabalhado no processo ensino e aprendizagem da Educação Básica.

This paper provides an overview of P.Oxy. 5584. The papyrus, published in 2023, contains a series of lives, albeit fragmentary, of some generals and politicians from the Roman Republic: Sulla, Caesar, Curio (trib. pl. 50 BC), Lepidus the Elder (cos. 78 BC), Lepidus the Younger (triumvir) and Appius Claudius Caecus. The text, which can be assigned to the de viris illustribus genre, sheds new light on the features and reception of Strabo’s Ἱστορικὰ ὑπομνήματα, providing a new fragment of this work.

Amzallag presents a unique theory about the historical origins of YHWH and the development of the god's profile, stretching from the Bronze Age down through the Iron Age. The Introduction, subtitled "Idols of Knowledge," situates the book's intervention in the scholarly landscape and lays out the study's basic methodology. The author begins by criticizing the centrality of "monotheism" as a category for the study of ancient Israelite religion, especially the way some scholars use monotheism as a diagnostic criterion to date biblical texts and create evolutionary schemes for the development of Israelite religion (pp. 2-14). Amzallag concludes, however, that "no evolutionary trend toward monotheism may be traced throughout a millennium of worship of YHWH by the Israelites" (p. 9), such that "the concept of monotheism is inappropriate for the investigation of the ancient religion of Israel" (p. 13). Among other reasons, the author criticizes the evolutionary model in which YHWHistic monotheism emerges from an older Israelite polytheism through a process of "convergence" and "differentiation"-to use the terminology from Mark Smith, Early History of God (Eerdmans, 2002)-because it (1) supposedly renders YHWH's original identity inaccessible (pp. 10); (2) promotes the mistaken notion of YHWH's exclusive relationship with Israel (pp. 12-14); and (3) obscures the "material realities associated with YHWH's theophany and mode of action" and their expression of the deity's "identity and essential attributes" (p. 13). As a way forward, the author proposes a novel hypothesis: YHWH was, in origin, the esoteric patron god of the Canaanite guild of metallurgy. YHWH's cult, it is claimed, traces back to a small "corporation of South Levantine metalworkers" who later introduced YHWH's worship to Israel, reflected in biblical traditions about the Qenites as metalworkers from the deep south (but note Amzallag's later admission that the "metallurgical activity of the Qenites is not explicit in the Bible" [p. 153]). While this reconstruction may seem counterintuitive given ancient Israel's "agropastoralist lifestyle" (p. 15) and Canaanite cultural inheritances (p. 19), it integrates previously neglected data associating YHWH with metallurgy and centers the question of Israel's secondary adoption of . Methodologically, the study is intentionally interdisciplinary, integrating data and interpretive frameworks from a range of scholarly disciplines, including biblical studies, archaeology, epigraphy, history of religions, art history, etc. (pp. 17ff.). For Amzallag, the Hebrew Bible is potentially the most important source for reconstructing the origins of YHWH and Israel, but scholars today ascribe it a low historical value due to their flawed evolutionary schemes for the development of Israelite religion (p. 18). While the biblical texts admittedly come from later contexts, their supposed preservation of YHWH's original metallurgical background suggests to the author, at least, that some biblical sources, even very late ones, may preserve memories from before Israel's origins. Additionally, the author claims to focus on "the singularities of the Israelite religion in its beginning stages" rather than parallels with other ancient Near Eastern peoples, whose traditions scholars often exploit to fill gaps in knowledge

En el presente trabajo se realiza una revisión de buena parte de la bibliografía más significativa dedicada a estudiar las reminiscencias homéricas que se pueden hallar en la Historia de la Guerra del Peloponeso de Tucídides. El objetivo básico es proporcionar una visión general de las numerosas y complejas relaciones intertextuales que pueden establecerse entre Tucídides y la poesía homérica en particular, así como entre la poesía épica y la historiografía en general.

For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services, and for information about how to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our website at www. wiley.com/wiley-blackwell. The right of Peter C. Phan to be identified as the author of the editorial material in this work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books. Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service marks, trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought. Cataloging-in-Publication Data Phan, Peter C., 1943-Christianities in Asia I Peter C. Phan. p. cm. -(Blackwell guides to global Christianity) Includes bibliographical references and index.

This research proposes the exposition of the genesis of the limit-experience as articulated in Maurice Blanchot’s philosophy, especially in some texts that deal in a critical-essayistic way with questions of literature. These texts are The Work of Fire and The Space of Literature. The driving questions that direct the course of this research include the question of the possibility of literary work, the question of the death of the author, the question of the possibility and impossibility of death, among others. The unsystematic movement of Blanchot’s philosophy creates difficulties for an analytical study method, faithful to a closed speculative model. Knowing this, this research proposes to examine two moments in Blanchot’s philosophy in which the problem of the limit-experience can be described as the impossibility of dying. Thus, the main objective is to partially elucidate how Blanchot takes up this problem in two different texts that deal with the possibility of death and the possibility of literary writing from the perspective of another experience that, ultimately, presupposes the impossibility of both.

The Lazic War (541-562 CE) was one of the major conflicts between the Sasanian and Byzantine empires. Both armies used various tactics and strategies typical of warfare in late antiquity. Since the 4th century CE, Sasanians have started using war elephants in their military campaigns. Sasanian generals Mermeroes and Nachoragan commanded these mighty pachyderms at Archaiopolis and Phasis, during the Lazic War. The article examines the history of the Sasanian Elephant Corps, their participation in different conflicts, methods of use in battle, and the anti-elephant tactics in Late Antiquity.

La ‘Gettysburg Address’ (GA) de Lincoln en recuerdo de los caídos en la batalla de Gettysburg es uno de los discursos más aclamados de la oratoria estadounidense. Por importancia cultural, se la ha comparado con la oración fúnebre de Pericles en el segundo libro de las ‘Historias’ de Tucídides, pues ambos discursos han marcado la imagen de sus respectivos sistemas políticos, esto es, la democracia ateniense y la república federal estadounidense. Algunos críticos han sostenido incluso que la oración fúnebre de Pericles debe considerarse la fuente de inspiración de la GA. A fin de comprobar esta hipótesis, este artículo evalúa la factibilidad de dicha relación intertextual a través de la comparación del dato textual y de la consideración de la disponibilidad material del texto tucidídeo en época de Lincoln. A tal propósito, se ha situado primero la GA dentro del evento para el que fue pensada. A continuación, se han analizado los parecidos y las diferencias temático-estructurales entre ambos discursos. En fin, se ha interpretado su significado desde una clave ‘dionisíaca’, es decir, desde una actitud crítica, aunque partidaria, del patriotismo. Este artículo concluye que, dada la circulación del texto tucidídeo y vistas las conexiones temático-estructurales, los parecidos entre el discurso fúnebre de Pericles y la GA de Lincoln no alcanzan a establecer una relación de dependencia, sino que señalan exclusivamente una pertenencia común al subgénero oratorio de la oración fúnebre. A falta de ulteriores pruebas, se invita a realizar un ejercicio de ‘material philology’ sobre las obras de Lincoln con el objetivo de esclarecer su conocimiento ‘real’ de la literatura griega, visto que los parecidos léxicos, estructurales y temáticos, por sí solos, no logran demostrar un contacto directo entre él y Tucídides.

This study aims to search for the potential influences of Thucydides' historical thought in Ammianus Marcellinus' work. As a historian who pursuits a place in the classical tradition, we nuanced at first the idea of Ammianus' as a continuator of Tacitus by stressing his connection with the classical Greek historiography. After that, we analyzed the methodology professed by both historians and how it was applied in their writing. Subsequently, we approached their notion of historical truth and narrative falseness and errors. Lastly, we examined the goals with the composition of their works that were professed by Ammianus and Thucydides. Taking all that into account, we conclude that, although Thucydides receives very little direct mention in the Res Gestae, the influence of the thucydidean historical thought in Ammianus surpasses the mere familiarity that Ammianus was thought to have had with the general precepts of his historical writing.

Sinopse
A história se entrelaça com narrativas de violência, com suas manifestações e implicações, nas quais este livro busca mergulhar, revelando nuances multifacetadas de um fenômeno que ultrapassa fronteiras temporais e culturais. Violência no mundo antigo: materialidades, discursos e imaginários explora as diversas faces da violência que permeavam desde os lares até os espaços religiosos e políticos, dos embates esportivos à repressão imperial, dos debates teóricos aos registros históricos e cinematográficos. Sob essa perspectiva, propõe um mergulho na vida social do mundo antigo não apenas para uma busca por compreensão histórica, mas também para a reflexão sobre as interseções entre poder, gênero, religião, cultura e violência. Afinal, o estudo das sociedades antigas não se limita a uma mera análise do passado distante, mas serve como um espelho para nossa própria compreensão e enfrentamento das dinâmicas violentas que persistem.

La paura non è emozione di donne La trappola di Tucidide La iniziarono, questa guerra, Ateniesi e Spartani, una volta rotta la tregua di trent'anni che era stata conclusa dopo la conquista dell'Eubea. Ho scritto, prima di raccontare della guerra, anche le ragioni e le contese che determinarono questa rottura, perché uno non debba, un giorno, cercare da dove si originò per i Greci una guerra di tale portata. La causa più vera, prophasis, ma meno esplicitamente dichiarata, ritengo che fosse il fatto che gli Ateniesi crescevano in potenza e facevano paura, phobon parechontas, agli Spartani fino a spingerli alla guerra. Ma le cause, aitiai, apertamente addotte, erano per entrambe le parti queste […].

Les hagiographies des « saintes » de l’Antiquité Tardive qui s’habillent en hommes ascétiques ont été largement étudiées au cours des dernières décennies comme un phénomène particulier. Ont été analysés les connexions intertextuelles, le thème du déguisement, le genre comme un topos littéraire, les connexions avec le « gnosticisme », le rôle de la femme dans le Christianisme primitif, etc., mais les études comparatives se sont arrêtées au Moyen Âge et au genre littéraire des hagiographies. Nous considérons les hagiographies comme un produit secondaire d’un phénomène social répandu de changement de genre dans l’ascétisme chrétien primitif. Pour tenter de comprendre le phénomène historique, nous proposons une lecture comparative de ces « saintes travesties » byzantines avec un équivalent contemporain, documenté par les anthropologues, comme celui des burrnesha du Nord de l’Albanie (nommées « vierges jurées » par les occidentaux), des jeunes qui s’habillent et sont considérées comme de...

Presentamos el que, no sin polémica, se ha descrito como “primer tratado chino de retórica”: el «Guiguzi». Se trata de un texto inédito en castellano, atribuido a un pensador y educador cuya vida se sitúa a mediados del siglo IV a. C., en la fase final del clasicismo chino (Reinos Combatientes). Hasta recientemente, el texto ha sido marginado, considerado peligroso y excluido tradicionalmente de las colecciones canónicas. Su idea de eficacia retórica ha sido asociada con la de “manipulación” por sinólogos como François Jullien, quien ha hablado también de “anti-retórica” para describirlo. Sus particularidades, como el énfasis en la escucha y en la penetración psicológica, pueden muy bien comprenderse en el contexto defensivo derivado del peligro físico en que se encuentra el suasor en la China clásica. Para contribuir a su conocimiento, aportamos aquí nuestra
traducción del capítulo 9.

138 3. Adversus paganos. Finalmente, Orosio escribe su obra adversus paganos. Los acontecimientos históricos recientes justifican la polémica. Los paganos sostenían que la decadencia de Roma se había iniciado con la supresión de los ritos tradicionales, con la prohibición del culto a sus dioses tutelares, y que esto había conducido al terrible acontecimiento de la caída de Roma. Efectivamente, el 24 de agosto de 410 se consumó la catástrofe: «nos han llegado noticias horrendas -escribe Agustín-: exterminios, incendios, saqueos, asesinatos, torturas de hombres. Verdaderamente hemos oído muchas cosas, hemos gemido sobre todas, con frecuencia hemos llorado, apenas tenemos consuelo» 559 . Alarico al frente de un ejército de godos había irrumpido en Roma y saqueado la ciudad durante tres días, precisión cronológica que debemos a Orosio: «el tercer día después de haber entrado en la ciudad, los bárbaros partieron voluntariamente» 560 . Tras la caída, los paganos arreciaron sus denuncias, pero también los cristianos quedaron profundamente impresionados; no en vano, los padres de la Iglesia, desde al menos un siglo, habían asociado íntimamente la difusión del cristianismo y el destino de Roma. Al conocer la noticia, Jerónimo lamentará el infortunio de la ciudad con tintes apocalípticos: «in una urbe totus orbis interiit» 561 . También Agustín, como hemos visto, se afligió ante este grave suceso; no obstante, llama la atención sobre el hecho de que, aunque ha sido tomada, Roma no ha sido destruida: «observa -le recriminan los paganos-que Roma perece en los tiempos cristianos»; «quizá Roma no perezca -replica el obispo-; quizá sólo ha sido azotada, pero no aniquilada; quizá ha sido castigada, pero no destruida» 562 . Pese a éste y a otros intentos de minimizar el desastre, el terrible acontecimiento reavivó los rescoldos del paganismo: la Roma pagana, invencible y gloriosa, había sido sustituida por una Roma cristiana, vencida y humillada: ésta era la consecuencia del abandono del culto a los antiguos dioses protectores de Roma. La caída de 410 renovó y reforzó estos argumentos que, en el norte de África, cobraron particular vigor con la llegada de refugiados procedentes de Italia, en su mayoría hombres influyentes, miembros de la burguesía y de la aristocracia. Muchos de ellos eran paganos, pero también cristianos que se preguntaban por qué Dios no había tratado a Roma siquiera como a Sodoma: «non erant Romae quinquaginta iusti?» 563 . Superando la perplejidad inicial, los autores cristianos emprenden la defensa de su causa denunciando a su vez las murmuraciones y calumnias paganas. Agustín acomete esta salvaguardia en las cartas y sermones que predica en el otoño e invierno de ese mismo año y emprende la redacción de su obra magna, De Civitate Dei, precisamente contra paganos 564 .

In his HISTORY, Orosius attacks the pagans, developing some arguments that we study here. He compiles from other author's works the misfortunes that took place in history and compares them with the ones of his time, affirming that the former are seen as less grave for having become literary topics. He rests importance to the fall of Rome in 410 and fills the narration with providential facts. He also defends the antiquity and universality of Christianity, as well as the unity of the history of all the humanity, which he articulates around the theory of the four Monarchies of Daniel. The Roman Republic is deprived of its myth but he appraises Augustus'monarchy, integrating some pagan concepts in the Christian vision of history. He finally demonstrates that Christianity is not the cause of the decadence of Rome because the Empire itself is the product of Christianity. Las décadas finales del siglo IV ven sucederse acontecimientos políticos y culturales de gran trascendencia en el camino que lleva a la suplantación del paganismo. Si su prohibición en el año 391 supone el triunfo político del cristianismo, queda aún por consumar su triunfo social definitivo, la eliminación sistemática de todos sus competidores. En este período, Simmaco había protagonizado la oposición más sonada ai cristianismo antes de que Teodosio pusiera la libertad de conciencia fuera de la ley. Pero el antagonismo pagano-cristiano va a revitalizarse en los primeros años del siglo V al calor de la amenaza que gravita sobre la capital del Imperio. Finalmente, en el año 410 Alarico saquea Roma y no son pocas las voces que acusan al cristianismo. Roma había caído y el mito de la ciudad aeterna se desmoronaba. Pero además.

1. Variety of texts, languages and scripts ……….………………….…... 2
2. Accounting and administrative texts; juridical texts ……………… 3
3. Lexical lists …………………………………………………………………….. 4
4. Texts of historiographic intent ………………………………………… 4
5. Diffusion of the Cuneiform system: Anatolia, Elam, Urartu ……… 5
5.1 Anatolia ……………………………………………………………….. 5
5.2 Elam ……………………………………………………………….….. 5
5.3 Urartu …………………………………………………………….…… 7
5.4 Akkadian as international language of the late Bronze Age ………….…. 8
5.5 The Ugaritic alphabet; the Phoenician/Aramaic/Hebrew alphabet ..….…. 9

6. The Garshana and Irisagrig Archives (David. I. Owen) …………….….. 9

Tanto na Antiguidade como hoje, memória e historiografia são formas indissociáveis da relação humana com o passado. Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.), enquanto membro da elite da Confederação Aqueia, precisava avaliar as formas de dependência em um contexto de transição do império macedônico para o romano. Partindo da análise da polêmica em que Políbio aproxima Tucídides e Teopompo (Histórias, VIII, 11, 3), trabalhamos a hipótese de que o seu objetivo com a distinção entre uma “história dos gregos” e uma “história de Filipe II” era o de negociar o passado macedônico. Para tanto, compreendemos que o autor deveria lidar tanto com os constrangimentos da memória como com os das historiografias helenísticas.

hile studying Polybius we cannot understand him without correlating his work with the history of the oikouménē, the wide world in which Mediterranean populations had reciprocal interactions within a complex network of
political-cultural connections. Polybius intended to cover cultural realities that met and coexisted, since we know that The Histories were more than the mere
narration of events relevant for the author, but constituted in a very overwhelming way a new methodology for History as a discipline that started a trend in
Historiography. That is to say, Polybius reflected on his own time. In this paper
we intend to meditate on those ideas about the past, present and future of the
oikouménē from the historiographical position of Polybius.

The research paper explores the evolution of numismatics and its intersection with modern digital technologies. Numismatics, the study of coins, is vital for reconstructing historical, economic and socio-cultural contexts, yet traditional manual methods for studying coins often face limitations such as human error and subjectivity. The integration of computational techniques, including image segmentation, pattern recognition and Geographic Information Systems, enhances the precision and efficiency of numismatic research. The paper highlights the application of advanced imaging techniques like 3D photography, digital databases and automated classification systems, which facilitate detailed analyses of coin features, legends and inscriptions. These technologies not only mitigate traditional challenges but also open new avenues for interdisciplinary studies. By advocating for standardized digital methods, the research emphasizes the transformative potential of digital tools in preserving and advancing numismatic scholarship.

This article presents a new reading of a published inscription from Mylasa. The inscription is a dedication of an altar to an emperor and Zeus Olympios by the inhabitants of a street, for the sake of hon­oring Dionysides son of Demetrios, the olympic victor (olympionikes). It was engraved on a white marble round altar with profiles above and below. The inscription was published by Ph. Le Bas in 1870 and sub­sequently by G. Cousin in 1898, afterwards it was revised by L. Robert in 1937 and by W. Blümel in 1987. In December 2023, the altar was refound in Mylasa (modern Milas) in the garden of a private house and it was brought to Milas Museum. The new study has enabled a sub­stantial reading of the lines 1-2 and 4-5 which were undecipherable in the earlier editions. The new reading of the lines 1-2 indicates that the altar was dedicated to Augustus and Zeus Olympios, therefore the inscription should be dated to the reign of Augustus. Besides, the lines 4-5 clarify that the dedicators of the altar were “the inhabitants of a mesoplateia” (mesoplateitai) from “the street of Labraun­da” (plateia Labraundike). The street of Labraunda (plateia Labraundike) is attested for the first time in inscrip­tions of Mylasa. More importantly, mesoplateites (inhabitant of a mesoplateia) is a new word, which is not known from any literary or epigraphic document.