1979 Iranian Revolution

This paper investigates the emergence of a new discourse vis-à-vis literary representations of Iran in the West, focusing on Professor Fatemeh Keshavarz’s Jasmine and Stars: Reading More Than Lolita in Tehran (2007) as a case in point. In so doing, this article analyzes Keshavarz’s construction of a discourse of resistance against (neo-)Orientalist discourses through the modus operandi of strategic auto-Orientalism. Capitalizing on her authorial dual-situatedness, Keshavarz represents Iran through its longstanding tradition of classical and contemporary Persian literature and cultural heritage, hence challenging Azar Nafisi’s glorification of canonical Western, and dismissal of Persian, literatures in Reading Lolita in Tehran. Furthermore, in introducing two eminent contemporary female Iranian writers, Forough Farrokhzad and Shahrnush Parsipur, Keshavarz highlights the active political, social, and literary agency of Iranian women through her engagement with their life and works. Finally, Keshavarz’s discourse provides a critical space wherein the voices of prominent Iranian figures little known in the West can come to the fore.

بخشی از فصل اول کتاب «برای زمین و فرهنگ: جنبش شورایی ترکمنان در ایران ۱۳۵۷-۱۳۵۸» که به شکل‌گیری جنبش‌های کارگری در آستانه‌ و پس ازانقلاب۱۳۵۷ می‌پردازد. .
ترجمه فارسی از محمد صفوی

Persian translation of a section from Chapter 1 of "For Land and Culture: The Grassroots Council Movement of Turkmens in Iran, 1979-1980" which attends to the formation of the workers' councils prior to and after the 1979 Revolution in Iran.
Persian translation by Mohammad Safavi

On page 217, Andrew Scott Cooper critiques Mohammad Reza Shah's White Revolution, describing it as a social contract between the King and the people aimed at improving their quality of life, as referenced in Newsweek. However, this initiative ultimately widened the income gap between the wealthy and the poor, exacerbating social divisions among different classes. The author mentions Her Imperial Majesty Farah Pahlavi, who informed the King that his White Revolution had not significantly impacted the White Revolution.

This paper presents and places in its historical and intellectual context an article by Jalāl Āl-e Aḥmad (1923-1969) on the topic of nihilism in the works of Dostoevskij. It analyses the reception of some of the most important works of the Russian writer in Iran during the 1960s and it highlights the similarities that Āl-e Aḥmad perceived between the political and intellectual context of Russia in the decades that preceded the October Revolution and that of Iran during his time.

In late 2022, after the rise and repression of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, a strange condition emerged among schoolgirls across Iran. While on school premises, young women momentarily lost cognitive and motor functions and became incapacitated. The Iranian public came to recognize and debate the schoolgirls’ condition as a case of mass poisoning that was caused by harmful antigens and criminal agents. This essay offers an alternative to this medical-juridical framing. It locates the incapacitation of the schoolgirls in relation to the limits of debates about women and Islamic society and the ensuing circulation of danger and destructive power that the author conceptualizes psychopolitically through the concept of witchcraft. Rather than treating the schoolgirls’ condition or the Woman, Life, Freedom movement as a momentary lapse of the social, the author conceptualizes them as a manifestation of the impossibility of the social, one that issues from a broader historical and epistemological condition: the incapacitation of tradition. While focused on revolutionary Iran, this study bears on the impersonal circulation of violence and deathliness amid the contemporary incapacitation of authoritative traditions such as religion, science, and law.

The First Economic and Social Development Plan, which began in 1989 following the coming to power of the fifth government and a relative consensus among government institutions and social forces, was a fundamental turn and transformation in the economic policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This shift - from a focus on "social justice" to "economic growth" - was designed to strengthen the foundations of entrepreneurship and increase the share of the private sector in the industrial economy. The plan aimed to achieve these goals through privatization policies, the return of expelled and exiled capitalists, and the attraction of foreign capital. However, three years after its implementation, the plan was derailed by unprecedented inflation, increasing corruption, economic instability, growing criticism from opposition forces, and the emergence of social protests. This paper adopts a political economy approach and uses John Kingdon’s “policy window” model to explain the underlying reasons for this policy shift and its eventual failure. The study concludes that the 1989 shift from a state-controlled, distributive economy to an economy of industrial growth and development began with the convergence of three processes: the intensification of social welfare demands after the war, the revision of the constitution and the subsequent restructuring of political power, and the presentation of a clear development agenda by technocrats. These elements temporarily opened a policy window that allowed for the pursuit of industrial growth initiatives. but the economic policies of the fifth administration failed due to the lack of a comprehensive strategy, deviation from the principles of adjustment and privatization policies, and the inability of politicians and policymakers to properly exploit the limited opportunity created. When the policy window was closed, the economic and industrial growth and development program was stopped and the government's economic policy returned to distribution policies and social justice.

آخرین بخش از تذکره الاولیای معاصر مروری است بر تحولات دهه 40 و 50 شمسی که در واقع پیمودن راه انقلاب بود یکبار به صورت سفید و یکبار به صورت سرخ. از چهره های این دو دهه فاطمه معتمدآریا، نسرین ستوده، اصغر فرهادی، عباس کاظمی و محسن نامجو نیز یاد کرده ام.

سقوط برق‌آسای رئیس‌جمهور مادام‌العمر سوریه پس از گذشت سیزده سال از نخستین اعتراضات مدنی ضد بشار اسد تا جنگ داخلی و کشتار دولتی مردم بی‌دفاع در مقیاس صنعتی برای هیچ‌کس قابل انتظار نبود. این فروپاشی خیره‌کننده به‌نحوی با تمام مسائل سیاسی دیگر خاورمیانه در یک سده اخیر گره خورده است: برآمدن ناسیونالیسم عربی در سرزمین‌هایی چون عراق و مصر و سوریه، ظهور خداسالاری شیعی در ایران و اشتراک همه این گرایش‌ها در‌یهودستیزی و آمریکاستیزی. از دل تجربه ایدئولوژی عربی فقط مصر توانست ناسیونالیسم تهاجمی جمال عبدالناصر را در خلال دهه‌ها بدل به یک سیاست‌ورزی صلح‌آمیز منطقه‌ای کند.

The liability of joint stock company managers according to the principle of limited liability is an important issue that is the subject of debate and disagreement. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to evaluate the liability of joint stock company managers according to the principle of limited liability, relying on law and jurisprudence . Materials and Methods: This article is descriptive and analytical. The materials and data are also qualitative, and questionnaires were used to collect the materials and data . Ethical Considerations: In this article, the originality of the texts, honesty, and trustworthiness have been observed . Findings: The findings showed that the Iranian legal system has recognized a personality independent of the personality of the managers for commercial companies, including joint stock companies.. According to the mentioned rule, a company (legal entity) can have rights and obligations and implement them, but this does not mean that the directors of joint-stock companies are not liable. The conclusion is that if directors of jointstock companies cause losses to third parties under certain circumstances, they are liable in this regard, despite the principle of limited liability. the most important rules that are exceptions to the liability of directors in light of the principle of limited liability. Accordingly, if the directors of a joint-stock company have abused their exclusive position and the abuse of the company has caused losses to third parties, they are liable, and this is in accordance with the principle of harmlessness in jurisprudence.

Donald Trump is a real estate developer and television personality known for his long-running disagreements with Rosie O'Donnell, which have been going on since 2006. Their public spats, often conducted on Twitter, have been a significant part of Trump's public persona, showcasing his confrontational style and ability to dominate media attention.

فریدون: نسبت ایران و اسلام بحثی همیشه درازدامن در عرصه اندیشه‌ورزی ایرانی بوده است. از آثار نویسندگان منتقد عصر ناصری تا روشنفکر- سیاستمداران عهد مشروطه بحث درباره نسبت اسلام و ایران پررنگ است. ایران‌گرایی مستتر در آثار اغلب این نویسندگان و روشنفکران موجب شد در دوره رضاشاه پهلوی، سیاستی کاملا نوین و محدودیت‌آفرین در قبال نهاد روحانیت شکل بگیرد. اگرچه این تحدید و تهدید توامان در قبال روحانیت، در دوره پادشاهی محمدرضاشاه و تحت تاثیر آزادی‌گستری آن دوره، کاهش یافت ولی در عین‌حال واقعیت آن بود که دیگر از روشنگری علیه ارتجاع مذهبی خبر خاصی نبود و آن طیفی که از آنان انتظار می‌رفت رویکرد انتقادی به جمود و رکود مذهبی داشته باشند، به شیعه به عنوان مذهبی رهایی‌بخش می‌نگریستند و به برکشیده‌شدن خمینی یاری رساندند. تجربه چهار دهه‌ ستم‌گستری مذهبی جمهوری اسلامی اما کاملا داستان را عوض کرده است. ایران‌گرایی اکنون گفتمان بی‌رقیب است و انقلاب ملی تحت تاثیر این گفتمان پیش می‌رود. نسبت این گفتمان با اسلام اما چه باید باشد؟ این پرسش محوری را سعید قاسمی‌نژاد با امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی در میان گذاشت و بر اساس آن گفتگویی پراهمیت را رقم زد. امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی پژوهشگر ساکن آلمان در زمینه فلسفه و علوم سیاسی است. او علوم حوزوی را در مدرسه علمیه رضویه قم، کارشناسی فلسفه را در دانشگاه مفید و کارشناسی ارشد فلسفه غرب را در دانشگاه ملی (شهید بهشتی) فرا گرفت و دکترای علوم سیاسی را در دانشگاه فشتا به پایان رساند. رساله ارشد او پژوهشی بود درباره «مفهوم سنت و ارتباط آن با اصلاح و انقلاب در اندیشه سیاسی ادموند برک» و رساله دکترای او پیرامون «پیوند محافظه‌کاری سیاسی و اصلاحگری دینی در ایران مابین ۱۹۰۵ تا ۱۹۷۹» است.

The Pahlavi era's notion of modernity, despite achieving moderate success in some aspects, encountered significant challenges during its implementation. The formation of a collective driven by utopian fantasies of progress ultimately resulted in dramatic failures. In response to this failure, the state resorted to propagandistic measures to advertise the successful aspects of modernization project, and superficial reforms to maintain an image of modern Iran, promoting a narrative of progress. However, there was hidden side to this "progress," the narrative of decay, defeat, and catastrophe. Inspired by Walter Benjamin's theory of progress, this essay aims to examine the dual nature of the Pahlavi modernization project through two documentaries focused on the modernization of Tehran: Ahmad Faqroughi's Tehran, Today (1962) and Kamran Shirdel's Tehran is the Capital of Tehran (1965). The analysis suggests that Faqroughi presents the state-sponsored narrative of progress, while Shirdel explores the narrative of defeat and catastrophe that coexists with, and arises from this "progress." By shedding light on the reality of the Pahlavi era's modernization project, this study provides insights into why, towards the end of the 1970s, cities like Tehran witnessed a growing number of individuals who resisted what was supposedly a "progressing" and "modern" Iran.

The Quran can be analyzed and understood through diverse perspectives, each shaped by distinct intellectual concerns and objectives. This diversity has led to the development of various trends in Quranic exegesis, including the civilizational approach. However, a significant challenge in this field is the lack of precise definitions, theoretical foundations, and systematic methodologies for such approaches. Many exegetes unconsciously embed their personal concerns into their interpretations without explicitly identifying their exegetical framework or adhering to established principles, often resulting in innovative yet unsystematic readings of Quranic verses. This study aims to formalize the civilizational approach by first defining "civilization" and then introducing its principles and methodological foundations. Civilization, as conceptualized here, is a structured, macro-level process that facilitates human development and the flourishing of potentialities through the growth of social relations. In parallel, the civilizational approach to Quranic exegesis offers a comprehensive, systemic, process-oriented, and human-centered framework for engaging with the Quran. By emphasizing key principles—such as the intrinsic relationship between the Quran and civilization and the Quran’s dual dimensions as both a textual guide and an active force—this approach seeks to transform the Quran from a theoretical reference into a dynamic agent that informs practical life and daily interactions.

Traversing a century of revolution, counterrevolution, and regime change in Iran, Arya Zahedi traces out the social, political, and ideological tensions that continuously push the country toward the brink of insurrection. It has been forty-five years since the mass revolution that overthrew the dictatorship of Muhammad Reza Shah and led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic. And it has been over a year now since the

This presentation covers a comprehensive image of late Iran's history with emphasis on the last century, the Constitutional Revolution of 1905, the rise of the modernist Pahlavi dynasty, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the rise of the regressive Islamic Republic, and analysis of a variety and difference of uprisings against the theocracy from beginning till the recent years.

“Deliberation” in Mehdi Bazargan’s thought, in changeable issues, is based on contemporary reason. But on the one hand, both deliberation and contemporary human reason cannot ignore the general approaches of »religion«, and on the other hand, distinguishing the religious general approaches without using »reason« cannot become possible. While »reason« is the reference for picking methods, it is the basis for understanding religion. Accordingly, reason and religion are not separate from each other. In fact, »deliberation« in Bzargan’s thought is a clear example of the accompaniment of reason and religion. To demonstrate this proposition, the bases for »deliberation« in Bazargan’s thought will be considered in three parts: the principle of deliberation in government; the principle of revelatory prophecy; secularization of government or separation of religion and government, not separation of religion and politics; and the differentiation between values and methods. Based on these three principles, we can speak of the originality of both »religion« and »reason« in Bazargan’s thought.
Bazargan's experience after the 1957 Revolution, which faced him with the real problem of governing, became a means of gradual changes in his thoughts than his combative approach in the 1340s and 1350s. These gradual changes limit Islam's position from the pervasive ideology with a lot of commands for all social and political programs to merely directing ideology in a set of principles and generalities. Therefore, the scope of deliberation, which was limited to executive affairs in his thoughts before the revolution, extends to the legislative domain, which this article attempts to discuss in detail.

This article examines the philosophical thoughts of Mohammad Nakhshab (1923-1970), the co-founder of the Movement of God-Worshipping Socialists (Nazhat Khoda Parastan-e Sosialist) in Iran. It argues that Nakhshab articulates an innovative reconceptualization of Islam through the critical appropriation of socialism and its political and technoscienti c implications for world progress. Divided into two sections, the paper rst contextualizes Nakhshab’s writings and offers a close analysis of the philosophical aspects of his essays. I argue that Nakhshab’s preoccupation with the
tawhidi (monotheistic) worldview, though in part a critical response to the growing popularity of
materialist philosophy, is based on an inventive reconstruction of the Marxist-Leninist conception of
nature and society as a con ict-ridden historical process oriented toward moral salvation. Against the ontology of dialectical materialism, Nakhshab advances a vitalistic idealism based on the notion of“vitality of will” (nirou-ye eradi), realized through a collective force of movement as praxis in the
world. In his conception of dialectical tawhid, Nakhshab envisages an Iranian society as a thoroughgoing socialist project grounded in the m

The Constitution plays a central role in the governance of a country, shaping its legal framework, political system, and civil rights. This article aims to compare the constitutions of Iran and South Korea, two countries with different political, historical, and cultural backgrounds. Through an analysis of their structural elements, political ideologies, and fundamental principles, this study will highlight the similarities and differences between these two significant legal documents.

تعدد نتیجه عبارت از وضعیتی است که از رفتار مجرمانه واحد، نتایج متعددی حاصل می‌شود. این که آیا تعدد نتیجه از مصادیق تعدد مادی است یا معنوی، بین حقوقدانان اختلاف نظر وجود داشت. رویه قضایی سابقا آن را از مصادیق تعدد اعتباری جرم می‌دانست. قانونگذار در سال 92 با یک سیاست جنایی تقنینی و وضع تبصره 1 ماده 134 ق.م.ا تعدد نتیجه را در حکم تعدد مادی قرارداد. از وجوه تشابه تعدد نتیجه و تعدد مادی، عدم نقض چند ماده قانونی، موضوعیت درجرایم تعزیری درجه یک تا شش ، تحقق در جرایم عمدی، غیرعمدی، مطلق و مقید، و نیز تشابه درتحقق نتایج مجرمانه و نحوه تعیین و اجرای مجازات است و از وجوه افتراق آن دو، وحدت رفتار مجرمانه در تعدد نتیجه و تعدد و تنوع رفتار و زمان وقوع نتایج مجرمانه در تعدد مادی می‌‌باشد. همچنین تعدد نتیجه از حیث وحدت رفتار مجرمانه و از این جهت که رفتار واحد به نتایج و عناوین متعدد ختم و از وحدت به کثرت می‌رسند، با تعدد معنوی مشابه و از جهت وحدت وکثرت نتایج مجرمانه، تحقق رکن روانی و تعیین مجازات و فقدان رابطه علیت و نقض چند ماده قانونی و عدم استقلال نتایج در تعدد معنوی از همدیگر متفاوت می‌باشند.

Walter: At CIA, we work around the clock and across the globe to help keep Americans and others around the world safe. Secrecy is often vital to our work. Dee: But we're committed to sharing what we can when we can. So let us be your guides around the halls of Langley as we open our files and speak with those who have dedicated themselves to this mission. Walter: These are their stories. Walter and Dee: This is The Langley Files. (music continues) Walter: Here on The Langley Files, we work to introduce you to the people and professions of CIA, and along the way, to share some of the Agency's tips and tricks in the event they are helpful in your own life. But today, for our Season Two finale, we're going to do something different. We're going to open up one of our files and dive deep into a single CIA operation, breaking it down moment by moment. Dee: You could call it a Mission Report. Walter: And we're turning to none other than an operation that has been referenced several times on the show, an operation that looms large among those that CIA has declassified. Dee: In 1979, armed protestors stormed the US Embassy in Tehran, Iran, taking scores of Americans hostage and starting a standoff that captured the attention of the entire world. But six Americans managed to avoid being taken-only to find themselves stranded in what had suddenly become hostile territory. Walter: To get them out, CIA hatched a plan straight out of fiction: send CIA officers disguised as filmmakers into Iran, train the stranded Americans to impersonate a film crew, and lead the entire group back out past Iranian security at the border. The name of the fake film they were pretending to scout for: ARGO. Dee: Now, this is a mission that some listeners might think they know. After all, it's been the subject of an Academy Award winning film starring and directed by Ben Affleck. In the film, Affleck plays Tony Mendez, the real-life CIA master of disguise and false documentation who spearheaded the operation and snuck into Iran to carry it out. Walter: Those listeners will remember that, in the movie version of these events, Affleck's character sneaks into Iran alone. But here, in a hallway of the real-life CIA Headquarters, there's a painting commemorating the operation. In it, Tony sits at a table in Tehran, hard at work on the final preparations for the exfiltration of the six Americans. And in that painting, there's someone else working alongside him. Someone whose face isn't visible and whose name the plaque beneath the painting doesn't reveal, even here in CIA Headquarters.

The influence of Western culture and the efforts of domestic intellectuals merely scratched the surface of pre-existing and traditional practices towards women in nineteenth-century Iran. However, they led to the rise of social movements, such as the women's rights movement. Modernisation and economic growth drove ongoing processes of industrialization and urbanization during the twentieth century in Iran. Modernization also changed the social structure by creating a new middle class. It is expected that economic growth and educational attainment would empower the new middle class to demand greater political accountability, which, in turn, would lead to women's empowerment. The new middle class participated in the 1979 revolution, the outcome of which was to accelerate the rise of religious leadership. The revolutionary government renewed traditional Shiʿite practices, including traditional norms concerning women. Since the revolution, despite the imposition of Islamic law, the level of literacy and access to higher education, particularly for women, has escalated. This has led to women's awareness of their rights and their struggles to realize them in practice. However, unexpectedly, the new middle class hesitated in turning revolutionary and in joining the protestors. This research assumes that education enables women to confront their traditional roles in the family. Nevertheless, changing women's position is a process of cultural change that is coherent with both socioeconomic development and the rise of a strong middle class.

Objective. After decades of social and political activities, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood succeeded in establishing “the largest Islamic movement of the twentieth century” with hundreds of thousands members throughout Egypt. However, in despite of political achievements such as winning the 2012 Presidential Election, they lost political power by a coup-revolution at the end of the 2011-2013 revolutionary period. In contrast, the Islamist movement of the combatant clergies succeeded in achieving dominance in the Iranian 1977-79 Revolution and seizing power in the post-revolutionary political system. The objective of this article is to explain, from a structural perspective, the historical contexts which make such distinct situations possible for the Islamist movements in Iran and Egypt.
Method. This article is in the tradition of comparative-historical studies of revolutions and uses the concept of “political opportunity structures” to explain the success and failure of the Islamist movements in these revolutions.
Results. The main differences regarding the political opportunity structure for the Islamist movements in the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions are: more intense conflicts between the clergy and the non-clergy Islamic-political activists in Egypt made the accumulation of resources in a united Islamic front more difficult; more armed forces autonomy from the head of the state in Egypt strengthened the possibility of their surviving as a structural barrier against the success of the Islamists in revolution; and in a stark contrast to Iran, Egypt observed a retreat from state secularism in the decades leading up to the revolution, which, along with the benefits of the Islamic institutions from government budgets, increased the political influence and satisfaction of the conservative Islam, and, consequently, weakened the possibility of the combatant Islamists to gain dominance during the revolution.
Conclusion. Aside from the cultural, cognitive and agency factors mentioned in the existing literature, the structure of political opportunity was more favorable to the success of the Islamist movement in the Iranian revolution than in the Egyptian one.

This article examines youth marginalization, fractured family structures, collective despair, and the breakdown of social dialogue in Parviz Shahbazi’s film “Deep Breath” (2003). The film serves as a poignant representation of the transition from the initial euphoria of reform to widespread discontent and the growing belief in the futility of reform efforts. The reform period in postrevolutionary Iran, marked by the presidency of Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005), commenced with high hopes and swiftly descended into disappointment. Khatami’s campaign slogans emphasized citizen rights, particularly those of women and youth, tolerance, democracy, inclusivity, and dialogue among civilizations, garnering widespread support across various demographics. However, by the middle of his second term, optimism had turned to disillusionment: the middle class felt betrayed by the stagnation of political reform while the lower class suffered from unfulfilled economic promises. This sense of disillusionment was especially acute among the youth, which was depicted in cinematic images. By situating “Deep Breath” within the context of Reform Cinema— a genre both influenced by and reflective of the reformist discourse—the article traces this trajectory. Initially, Reform Cinema was imbued with a strong belief in the possibility of socio-political change, marking a shift from wartime martyrdom discourse to celebrating the banality of everyday life, women’s public presence, and youth culture. However, it soon began to reflect the growing collective despair and discontent, exemplified by “Deep Breath,” which portrays the precarious lives of the youth from diverse social classes and backgrounds.

This study pursues a study of radicalism in Hare’s most radical play, Fanshen, and in Foucault’s mode of radicalism within his theory of power relations. From a specific perspective, this study borrows from the new wave of reevaluating and reinterpreting Foucault, which is concerned with irrationalism in his mode of radicalism. This analysis helps us comprehend the changes in the social trends and the specific pattern of radicalism in both Hare and Foucault. What concerns this study gravely, is the absence of the other side of reality or possibility in Hare’s Fanshen and in Foucault’s claims on power relations. The aim of the study is to depict how adopting radicalism and revolution by Hare and Foucault results in the justification of malfunctioned experiments. Furthermore, the way political tendencies are manifested to the audience is proved to be a key factor in the analysis of British political theater and in the shaping of British society. Finally, it is found that a Foucauldian reading of Fanshen results in the recognition of Hare’s specific pattern of radicalism which is in line with Foucault’s.

Introduction: Health centers as one of the main urban services, and one of the key factors in assessing the feasibility of sustainable development in cities have a high sensitivity to location and choice of accommodation. Case Report: Shirvan is the largest city after the capital of the province in North Khorasan of Iran. On the southern edge of the city of Shirvan, there is a seasonal river between the city and Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani Hospital. The need to build a solid bridge is essential for safe access to the hospital, which, unfortunately, has not been achieved. The constructed roundabout passes approximately one meter from the river floor. In the spring of 2019, there was heavy rainfall in most parts of the country, and the area was not poor. The rains blocked access to Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani Hospital as water flowed into the seasonal river. Conclusion: A hospital that should help itself to a crisis was itself a cause of the crisis in a short time.

1979 yılında Humeyni'nin önderliğinde gerçekleşen İran İslam Devrimi üzerine onlarca kitap yazılmıştır. Devrimin birçok yönünü inceleyen bu kitaplar devrimi farklı yönlerinden ele almışlardır. Lakin yazarların farklı ekollerden oluşu, onların konuya yaklaşırken farklı metotları tercih etmelerine sebep olmuştur. Ama şu da belirtilmelidir ki, tüm tarihçiler belli bir ekolü takip ederek tarih yazmıyorlar. Hepsi a veya b ekolüne girip ve ona göre tarih yapmıyorlar. Ama tarihçinin okudukları ve bazen de içine doğduğu ekol onun bazı özellikler ile yazmasını sağlayabiliyor. Her tarihçinin bilinçli bir ekol takipçisi olduğunu söylemenin zor olduğunu düşünüyoruz. Bu eserde İran İslam devrimi üzerine tartışmaları ele alırken tarihçilerin ekollerini de bilmeye ve tahmin etmeye çalışacağız.

Mohammad-Vali Gharani was born in Tehran on March 21st, 1913. He graduated from the Officers’ Academy and the War College. In 1950, he joined the Imperial Army and was promoted to colonel. He served as the garrison commander of Rasht and later became the commander of the Rasht Brigade. Gharani supported the 1953 Iranian coup d’état and was promoted to vice Chief-of-Staff after its success.

ABSTRACT.This article explores the Foucauldian analysis of the linkage between temporality and politics, addressing mainly two loci of Foucault’s production: the assessment of the post-WWII ordoliberal experience in The Birth of Biopoliticsand the Iran reportage for “Corriere Della Sera”. The article emphasizes the relevance of Foucault’s assessment of ordoliberal Germany for contemporary studies on neoliberalism and inscribes Foucault in a wider tradition of thought on the relevance of history and temporality for the comprehension of political dynamics. In TBoB, Foucault offered a prescient analysis of neoliberal temporality and its de-politicizing effects. In his view, ordoliberal theorists and politicians sought to ground political legitimacy in the economy itself, giving birth to a political-economic “double circuit” which did away with history and made political consensus “permanent” and automatic. The connection between neoliberalism, the re-structuring of state sovereignty, and temporality will be highlighted. Furthermore, by analyzingthe almost-coeval Iranian reportages and the eulogy for Clavel, the article further investigates Fou-cault’s reflection on the link between temporality, politics,and subjectivation processes. If the anal-ysis of ordoliberal temporality in TBoB describes a linkage between de-temporalization and de-politicization, the reportages will be highlighted as a possible “pars construens” –as a way to reinstate the possibility of political action through the appeal to different ways to experience tem-porality. The article concludes that Foucault’s sparse comments on temporality can be read as an attempt, albeit not fully developed, not only to envision the de-politicizing effects of marketization but also to envisage new, re-politicizing modes of experiencing temporality and history.
Keywords:Michel Foucault, neoliberalism, temporality, Iranian revolution, political spirituality

Humanity resources as the most important factor in measuring the performance of the judicial system and at the head of it, the judge as the judge of the case and the issuer of the verdict has a very high importance and position. The position of judge in all legal systems is recognized as a dangerous and noble position, and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, based on Imami jurisprudence and Islamic principles, has emphasized the attraction of competent and just judges. Considering that the guardianship over the judiciary is one of the affairs of the legal guardian in the age of absenteeism, therefore, it is important to study and understand the thoughts of the leader regarding the recruitment of judges. Checked. From the point of view of the leader, the role of judges in the judicial system is central, and it is important to pay attention to the jurisprudence, moral and scientific competences of judges. Considering the importance of the office of judge in Islamic jurisprudence, the jurisprudence and moral conditions of judges such as justice, patience, humility, and humanity have always been emphasized by the leader, and entrusting the administration of justice in the age of absenteeism to authorized judges and ignoring the condition of ijtihad means that other conditions are exhausted and There are no jurisprudential criteria for the appointment of judges, and according to them, justice and piety are the basic conditions of judicial office holders.

کتاب «انقلاب بدون انقلابیون» در سال 2017، توسط انتشارات دانشگاه استنفرد منتشر شده است. همان طور که آصف بیات در پیش گفتار کتاب توضیح داده است این کتاب حاصل تحقیق و نگارش یک پارچه نیست بلکه داده‌ها، بینش‌ها و ساختار مفهومی آن از مدت‌ها قبل از خیزش سال 2011 در قاهره آغاز شده است اما مولف با آغاز جنبش‌های موسوم به بهار عربی با سفر به کشور‌های درگیر تلاش کرده است بین آنها و رویدادهای گذشته نزدیک خاورمیانه ارتباطی برقرار کند و چارچوب مفهومی برای درک خاورمیانه معاصر و جنبش‌های بهار عربی ارائه کند.

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights. 

Carole Jerome's 'The Man in the Mirror: A True Story of Love, Revolution and Treachery in Iran' is a captivating narrative that delves into the complex web of love, political intrigue, and revolution in Iran. In this review, Peyman Adl Dousti Hagh, a seasoned scholar in Iranian history, provides a unique and critical examination of the book's portrayal of historical events and narrative structure, offering a nuanced perspective that is sure to intrigue the readers and provide them with new insights.