18th Century Saint Domingue

Asociación dedicada al estudio, difusión y recreación histórica de la Revolución francesa y las guerras napoleónicas en el mundo castellanoparlante (La presente publicación no tiene por objeto ningún tipo de ánimo de lucro)

Respaldado en las fuentes documentales aportadas por el Archivo General de Indias (AGI), de Sevilla, y de los Archives Nationales d’Outre Mer (ANOM), de Aix en Provence, este artículo revalúa la tesis clásica de que el gran levantamiento de los esclavos de la llanura del norte de Saint-Domingue, registrada desde la noche del 22 de agosto de 1791, fue motivada por los ideales modernos de libertad y emancipación, y que por el contrario, tuvo una vinculación monárquica y contrarrevolucionaria, dirigida a liberar a Luis XVI del cautiverio al que fue sometido desde el fracaso de su huida en el pueblo de Varennes el 20 de junio de 1791, y a restaurar al Ancien Régime, orden comprometido con la aplicación del Code Noir y las Ordenanzas de 1784 y 1785 en beneficio de los africanos.

Este artículo examina la primera rebelión liderada por personas negras a gran escala, indiscutiblemente documentada y que se manifestó en la isla La Española: la revuelta de esclavos en Santo Domingo de 1521, comúnmente referida como la «Rebelión Navideña» de 1521. Como una de las primeras rebeliones de las Américas lideradas por personas negras, la Rebelión Navideña es extraordinaria por sus implicaciones perdurables-tal como el establecimiento de las leyes esclavistas de 1522 o las ordenanzas escritas por Diego Colón que siguieron a estas. Las leyes esclavistas de Colón no solamente son los primeros planes anti-negros de configuración de control, sino que, dentro de su decreto de 1522 donde aparecen las leyes, también se encuentra la narración de la rebelión misma. Sin embargo, la mayor parte de los eruditos ha recurrido a la versión de 1535 por Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo. En este artículo, yo leo varios textos lado a lado para mejor entender las continuidades y discontinuidades de la Rebelión Navideña de 1521. Juntas, estas narraciones aumentan nuestra comprensión de cómo el dominio, los castigos, los esclavos, y la burocracia colonial operaban en el mundo atlántico a principios de la Edad Moderna y podemos llegar a ver cómo el encuadre de la narrativa de un colonizador triunfante se extiende a través del tiempo como una estructura perdurable. Más aún, la Rebelión Navideña y las leyes esclavistas de 1522 que la siguieron son importantes para quienes desean entender la racialización en este periodo y las estrategias de rebelión empleadas por negros y africanos.

This  article  examines  the  first  large-scale,  indisputably documented Black-led rebellion that manifested itself on the island of Hispaniola: the Santo Domingo Slave Revolt of 1521, commonly referred to as the “Christmas Rebellion” of 1521. As one of the first rebellions in the Americas led by Black people, the Christmas Rebellion is extraordinary in  that  it  is  borderline  with  lasting  implications-such  as  the  establishment  of  the  anti-Black  slave  laws  of  1522  or  the ordinances written by Diego Columbus that followed. Not  only  are  Columbus’  slave  laws  the  first  anti-Black control-setting  plans,  but,  within  his  1522  decree  where  the laws appear, there is also the narrative of the rebellion itself.  However,  most  scholars  have  turned  to  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo’s  1535  account.  In  this  article,  I  read several narratives side by side to better understand the  continuities  and  discontinuities  of  the  Christmas  Rebellion of 1521. Together, these narratives enhance our ability to improve our understanding of how dominance, punishment,  enslavement,  and  colonial  bureaucracy  operated in the early modern Atlantic world, and we can come  to  see  how  the  framing  of  a  triumphant colonizer 138narrative extends through time as an enduring structure. Moreover, the Christmas Rebellion and the slave laws of 1522  that  followed  are  important  for  scholars  today  who  desire  the  best  understanding  of  racialization  in  this  period and the strategies of rebellion employed through Black and African leadership.

During the French Revolution, thousands of French refugees migrated through the Channel borderlands. At least four thousand settled there. The Channel Island of Jersey served as the loci of migration where economic life operated under "refugeedom, " a polity both apart from and particular to state authority. Refugeedom-in its alterity-suggests a matrix of economic conditions, legal codes, and social relations that can explain the lives of people in the French Revolution's emigration. This study of economic migration off ers a way to reframe the French emigration as opportunism and resilience. Refugeedom serves as the analytic framework to understand economic migration, not only as a political crisis of displaced people in the midst of revolution-those seeking refuge from war, persecution, famine, and other hardships-but also as part of a strategy of survival, one that includes the economic migration of labor.

In the wake of Jean Fouchard's writings of the 1950s, and Bernard Camier's more recent ones, the present writer has devoted several years to archival and bibliographical research on the first singer of color in the history of French opera, Minette Ferrand (Port-au-Prince, 1767-New Orleans, 1807), and her family. From the wealth of newly emerged data, it is possible to reconstruct not only the micro-history of a "clan" of first-rate prose and opera singer-actors active initially in Saint-Domingue, the French colony in Caribbean Hispaniola, and then on the North American mainland between 1780 and 1811, but also the intertwining of this clan with the macro-history of Haiti's Revolution---an event that changed the political and cultural landscape of the region and prompted momentous transformations worldwide. As a result, a monograph on the subject is in progress, “Minette and her siblings: Micro and macro history in a family of singers of color (1767-1858)” (Turnhout, Brepols).
Some of the new documents discussed therein are included in this short communication.

The aim of this article is to explore the intellectual and political trajectory of the Dominguan planter, scientist, and agronomist Jean Barré de Saint-Venant (1737-1810). As a member of the Circle of the Philadelphes and of the Chamber of Agriculture of Le Cap Français, between the end of the Old Regime and the Napoleonic period, Barré de Saint-Venant outlined in his mémoires and printed works a Creole path to agricultural, economic, and institutional progress in the plantation society of Saint-Domingue. By blending philosophy, racial theory, colonial history, scientific experiments, and empirical knowledge, his reflection and action within the imperial administration demonstrate the active participation of Barré de Saint-Venant and other Dominguan colonists in the pursuit of a so-called «colonisation nouvelle», based on expertise in the service of the legislator, technological and governmental modernisation, the promotion of an enlightened public sphere, and the exploitation of the enslaved African. Barré de Saint-Venant's ideas and reform projects invite us to reflect further on the notion of «Caribbean Enlightenment».

Resumen:
El conflicto armado de 1802 en la parte occidental de Santo Domingo o Saint-Domingue (el actual Haití) supuso para el Consulado francés una considerable cantidad de pérdidas materiales y humanas, situando así al Gobierno metropolitano en una situación de inestabilidad. Uno de los síntomas más evidentes de este “descontrol” social y estratégico fue el sitio que se puso a la fortaleza de Crête-à-Pierrot, en marzo de 1802, por parte de las fuerzas del general Leclerc. El costoso asedio y la guerra en el Caribe francés, llevaron a un relato colectivo repleto de horrores, matanzas y una mitificada guerra de guerrillas en las selvas haitianas. El presente trabajo propone un breve recorrido de la visión que tenían las tropas sobre estos acontecimientos, acotando el objeto de estudio a un enfrentamiento cuyo eco alcanzó las costas europeas: la toma de Crête-à-Pierrot.

Palabras clave:
Armée (Ejército francés), Asedio, Diarios, Discursos colectivos, Guerras napoleónicas.

Historians have long argued that the sugar revolution in the mid-17 th Caribbean world gave way to what Marx described as land capitalisation and to the formation of the plantation complex. In the French West Indies, this process gradually turned the revocable concessions of royally-owned lands for their «mise en valeur» into large, unseizable estates belonging to a minority of capitalist planter dynasties. The aim of this article is to show that the de facto appropriation of the colonial spaces as terrae nullius was neither uncontested nor inevitable. In the aftermath of the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), the Chambers of Agriculture of Saint-Domingue and Guadeloupe-the expert bodies of the «maîtres éclairés»-criticised the accumulation of overextended possessions and the subsequent increase of wasteland. Stressing the relationship between labour and property as well as the subordination of colonial ownership to the imperatives of political economy, they urged the administration to redistribute the uncultivated parcels in order to boost a class of small-scale white farmers, promote agricultural diversification, and redress the racial imbalance favouring the population of enslaved Africans. The contradictions the Chambers denounced would violently come to the surface at the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution in 1791.

Se acaba de publicar el nuevo número de Revista Complutense de Historia de América, en el que participo con una reseña sobre el trabajo del profesor Pinto Tortosa: Santo Domingo: una colonia en la encrucijada, 1790-1820. https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/RCHA/article/view/95851

Quand je ne serai animé que de l'amour du bien, rien ne m'arrêtera". This is how Samuel Demissy (1755-1820), a renowned merchant and ship owner from La Rochelle, replied to his cousin Pierre-Samuel Meschinet de Richemond on 26 December 1789. More specifically, Demissy referred to his adherence to the Society of the Friends of the Blacks (Société des ami des noirs) and his determination to uphold the abolitionist cause in the National Constituent Assembly. My paper aims to clarify why and how a French slave trader like Demissy could come to this apparently paradoxical conclusion and to which extent his unusual political and intellectual trajectory can enrich our understanding of the contradictions of abolitionism. After years spent studying the economic cultures of French merchants and planters and their relation to imperial state-building in the Caribbean colonies, I believe that Demissy's case, hardly explored by scholars

Coiffer Saint Catherine, ou devenir « catherinette » correspond à l"entrée dans le statut de « célibataire » pour les jeunes filles qui, à 25 ans, n"ont « toujours pas » trouvé un mari. 2 C"est nous qui soulignons, afin d"attirer l"attention sur le jugement de valeur implicite que porte l"emploi de ce verbe « risquer » et de cet adverbe « encore » pour qualifier la situation de célibataire. Le célibat reste assimilé à un « risque » pour une population qui, pendant des années, a fait du mariage un facteur de prospérité, voire d"ascension sociale. On revient sur le sujet au chapitre 2. 9 Les auteurs font référence, ici, à son ouvrage La famille incertaine, publié en 1989. différentes manières dont se structurent les liens de parenté entre les hommes. L"anthropologie est cette science de l"homme qui étudie les structures propres à l"humain pour tenter de repérer des invariants, des attributs communs au vivre ensemble, quelles que soient les sociétés, les périodes, les temporalités. Au contraire, la sociologie décrira, par exemple, les conditions de la formation du couple,la corrélation entre l"âge auquel les femmes mettent les enfants au monde et leur niveau de diplôme, ou encore l"émergence de nouvelles formes de parentalité, à partir d"observations, d"enquêtes, toujours situées à une époque historique donnée. C"est ainsi que sociologie et histoire marchent main dans la main pour décrire des situations dans des contextes qui sont, par définition, particuliers 12. A l"inverse, l"anthropologie, même quand elle procède à des enquêtes de terrain, chercheà faire 12 On peut dire que le contexte est toujours particulier parce qu"il est, par définition, variable. Il évolue dans le temps (la société d"Ancien Régime n"est pas la société d"aujourd"hui) et dans l"espace (les Antilles au XVIIème siècle ont peu en commun avec l"Asie à la même époque). 51 Cette phrase est publiée dans un ouvrage de 1797, rédigé par un ancien député à l"Assemblée constituante, secrétaire de Mirabeau et proche de Condorcet : Toussaint Guiraudet, De la famille comme l'élément des sociétés, Paris, chez Desenne, 1797. L"ouvrage est consultable sur le site Gallica, [En ligne]

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. La famille. Anne Morvan, Anne Verjus

Patrick Manning, Yun Zhang and Bowen Yi’s essay is, to our knowledge, the first since Slavevoyages went live in late 2008 to address the question of the size and direction of the largest coerced migration in global history. Given that the Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) methodology that they employ has moved to center stage of statistical inquiry in this eight-year interval, their work is indeed timely. Our commentary has three parts. First we point out several problems in their use of data from the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter TASTDB) on which their estimates are based; second we call attention to our own estimates of the volume of the slave trade which are higher than those mentioned in the essay; and third we argue that, as currently constituted, their work is broadly supportive of the statistical picture that we drew in 2008 ­ albeit without the benefit of MCMC.

Du Bois reminds us that it took time to build every nation and that one could not rationally expect the black South to have acquired satisfactory life conditions in the few decades having passed since the abolition of slavery. It took hundreds of years indeed, for Europe notably to venture from the medieval ages of darkness to the light of Modern Europe (his view of Europe). Because Europe has “wandered looking for its light,” but eventually, once it found it, it achieved for itself and others the “freeing of the soul through the wonders of science and the spread of democracy” (p251). He puts the African American people on the same tracks, and attempts to give them the fuel to journey towards civilizational light, to rise into the equal of the white society [...] The first reading makes him a republican; the second one makes him a multiculturalist democrat.

La presente recherche porte sur la perception du statut de la femme rurale en milieu Adja dans la commune de Dogbo. L’objectif est d’analyser la position sociale de la femme en lien avec la  discrimination observee dans l’attribution des statuts et responsabilites dans la communaute Adja. Pour atteindre cet objectif, une approche methodologique combinant le qualitatif et le quantitatif est adoptee. La recherche documentaire a permis de collecter les donnees secondaires. L’entretien et l’observation ont permis de collecter les donnees qualitatives primaires sur un echantillon de 65 informateurs compose des femmes, des hommes et des sages et notables a Dogbo.  Le mini- sondage, est utilise pour mesurer le taux de variation des positions diverses sur le statut de la femme Adja. Partant de l’enquete exploratoire a la recherche proprement dite, des resultats significatifs ont ete obtenus. Il ressort des entretiens qu’a Dogbo, la femme rurale Adja est consideree comme une propriete de l’h...

Como consecuencia del estallido de la Revolución Francesa, en
Saint Domingue se produjo una guerra civil de tipo racial, particular
y única en el Caribe francés, que involucró a los propietarios blancos
o habitants y a los mulatos gens de couleur, también dueños de la tierra
y los esclavos. Fue entonces cuando las familias precavidas de la élite
colonial abandonaron sus residencias y se mudaron al lado español,
llevando consigo algunos capitales y esclavos domésticos. El flujo de
émigrés incrementó en agosto de 1791 debido al levantamiento de los
esclavos de la Provincia del Norte y, desde marzo de 1793, se dio como
resultado del conflicto internacional provocado por el regicidio de
Luis XVI y la confrontación entre los reductos republicanos y las fuerzas
de ocupación españolas e inglesas. Este artículo explica con detalle y
analiza los antecedentes, las causas del éxodo de los propietarios blancos o habitants y los motivos que los llevaron a abandonar su patria, convertirse en emigrantes, buscar refugio en el Santo Domingo español y
hasta enlistarse en los ejércitos del rey español con tal de combatir a la
República Francesa y su revolución.

The archival work underlying this article was funded by a research enhancement grant from the University of Texas at Arlington. Thanks to Dominique Rogers, Stewart King, and David Geggus for their assistance in locating sources. 1. This change in status and its causes are at the heart of John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in Saint-Domingue (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 34 VINCENT OGÉ JEUNE (1757-91) 2. On Raimond's self-presentation as a representative of this class, see André Maistre du Chambon, "Acte notarié relatif aux doléances des 'gens de couleur' (29 juillet 1789)," Mémoires de la société archéologique et historique de la Charente (1931), pp. 5-11; for an overview of Raimond's life and career, see Garrigus, "Opportunist or Patriot?

Climate change, species extinction and accelerating inequalities are manifestations of a more fundamental crisis facing humanity: the global domi-nance of a capitalist/colonialist world order based on logics of extraction and exploitation. The modern, ‘universal’ museum is implicated in this history. It is not only that the accumulation of exotic things was made possible through mercantile and colonial territorial expansion, but the transformation of such things into ‘objects of knowledge’ and their incorporation into universalizing knowledge systems, given architectural expression in the museum, involved forms of epistemic violence that rendered other ways of knowing, understanding and being in the world non-existent. As part of the project of decolonizing the museum, this article questions whether this process of ‘epistemicide’ was indeed so complete, considers whether marginalized forms of knowledge may be reactivated in historical collections, and imagines the role of the ‘pluriversal museum’ in contributing to the shaping of more just and sustainable planetary futures.

Transcrição, traduzida para o português, da “Lettre de Jean-François, Biassou et Belair”, introduzida pela tradução do artigo: Jeremy D. Popkin, “A Haitian Revolutionary Manifesto? New Perspectives on the ‘Letter of Jean-François, Biassou, and Belair’”, Slavery and Abolition, v. 43, n. 1 (2021), pp. 3-19.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher or author, except in the case of a reviewer, who may quote brief passages embodied in critical articles or in a review. Gefördert durch die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) im Rahmen der Exzellenzstrategie des Bundes und der Länder

malouet in the guianas Throughout the eighteenth century, Guiana had been a harsh testing ground for French colonialism. European imperial projections for the region had been marred from the outset by several failures, beginning with Walter Raleigh's far-fetched plan to emulate the Spanish Empire through the conquest and exploitation of an "El Dorado" supposedly located somewhere between the mouths of the Amazon and the Orinoco (Pagden 1998: 33-35; Elliott 2005: 24). No less fanciful but far more tragic was the colonization plan the French set into motion in the Kourou region on the north coast of Cayenne, after the Seven Years War. In 1763, the metropolitan authorities, seeking to compensate for the loss of Canada but also stimulated by notable gens de lettres like Turgot (who defended the viability of European labor in the tropical world), promoted the recruitment of a large number of French and German families from Alsace and the Rhineland. The scale of the venture was vast. Between 1763 and 1764, around fourteen thousand Europeans left France for Kourou. Within a few months, though, twothirds of them were dead from a typhoid epidemic brought on their own ships, widespread famine, and mismanagement of the entire enterprise (Rothschild 2006). Acknowledgments: Previous versions of this article were presented on different occasions in Brazil (UFRGS-Porto Alegre), Spain (LASA-Barcelona),

This paper explores how Africans and Afro-Creoles used discourses shaped by Catholicism during the Haitian Revolution both to fight the prospect of re-enslavement by the French and to pursue alternative notions of freedom to those proposed by Toussaint Louverture. Specifically, it examines the appeals for Sunday rest and free days; and the use of protective amulets in pursuit of divinely-granted invulnerability in battle. Afro-Catholicism helped forge a sense of common identity during the colonial period, and enslaved people took a more active role in its dissemination than previously acknowledged. Free cultivateurs and soldiers later appropriated Catholicism as an effective language of resistance because they shared it with the French colonial authorities and the emerging Haitian élites. Arguments about Afro-Catholicism in West Central Africa and Ibero-America also apply to the French Caribbean and underscore the Atlantic entanglements in the development of Catholicism.

Paul Cheney montre les tensions de la société coloniale dans les Antilles du XVIIIe siècle en utilisant la correspondance entre un gérant d'habitation et ses propriétaires. Dans ce premier livre traduit en français, Paul Cheney, professeur d'Histoire européenne à

Este libro analiza uno de los temas fascinantes de la historiografía de los últimos años, el de la dominación y confrontación imperial en el Caribe. Examina, desde diversas aristas y escenarios territoriales, la incidencia que tuvieron los "vientos del liberalismo", que soplaron desde finales del siglo XVIII y principios del XIX, en los numerosos procesos de transformación económica, social, política y cultural que se experimentaron en diferentes territorios del Caribe.
Así mismo, discute los procesos y circunstancias en que estos "vientos" fueron percibidos y adaptados a las realidades específicas de los territorios caribeños.
La idea y el esfuerzo que guían muchos de los capítulos en esta publicación es desviar la atención de las interpretacio nes que ven en el reformismo institucionalizado el motor principal de las revoluciones y transformaciones americanas y caribeñas. Se trata de colocar la mirada en el entramado de relaciones sociales, económicas y políticas que intensificaron los cambios que se daban en los territorios, por debajo y en paralelo a las luchas imperiales y a sus apuestas para acentuar su control sobre los territorios. En diversas ocasiones estos entramados de relaciones promovieron transformaciones anteriores a las de los imperios, aunque estos, en algunos casos, las instrumentalizaran a partir de sus intereses.

Contemporáneo de figuras tan icónicas como Jean-Jacques Dessalines y Toussaint Louverture, Léger-Félicité Sonthonax, natural de Oyonnax, ejerció de puente entre la asimilada población esclava del “pueblo de la alta montaña” (Haití) y la República francesa. Misionero de la paz, o representante de los intereses del “abolicionista” Jacques Pierre Brissot, el comisario galo proclamó la primera emancipación de los esclavos en el Caribe francés. Enfrentado a una población realista y mulata, Sonthonax desempeñó un papel crucial en las segunda y tercera comisiones civiles de Saint-Domingue. Retirado de sus funciones por el Consejo de los Quinientos, Léger-Félicité se vio atrapado entre el Consulado y el Imperio. La focalización de diversos ensayos sobre esta figura en su primera visita a la colonia en 1792 ha influido notablemente en un menor análisis de las restantes etapas de su larga travesía. El presente trabajo analiza los aspectos olvidados del diplomático Léger-Félicité Sonthonax en el marco de sus actividades en la isla y en territorio nacional. Asimismo, se pretende atenuar el nulo conocimiento de su obra en el mundo hispanohablante sobre la base de fuentes primarias.

Palabras clave: Biografía, Esclavitud, Revolución haitiana, República francesa, Sonthonax.

Una de las principales carencias relacionadas con el estudio de la diáspora africana en la República Dominicana se vincula con las investigaciones sobre su cultura material, y en especial, con las formas en que se ha manejado su patrimonio cultural arqueológico. Este artículo ilustra algunas de esas problemáticas generadas desde los enfoques de investigación, conservación, y puesta en valor del patrimonio cultural arqueológico, además de las deformaciones impuestas por ciertos procesos históricos y políticos. Propone un estudio de la cultura material a partir de experiencias en otras áreas del Caribe y de categorías que prioricen reconocer la presencia y actividad de todos los agentes sociales en los llamados registros arqueológicos, en aras de fomentar la comprensión de la complejidad y el abanico de identidades en ellos representados.

This volume offers a superb example of research that dares to take the lofty ideals of the French Enlightenment at their word and "confront a triumphalist narrative of enlightened eighteenth-century European thought with the stage culture of a global empire reliant on slavery" (1). Especially noteworthy is its inclusion of African diaspora stage culture in eighteenth-century performance studies. Moreover, its rich collection of innovative contributions brings together scholars of various disciplines. Historians, literary scholars, and researchers in theater and performance studies unearth the distinctive stage culture that emerged in the colonial Caribbean, while focusing on the transposition, staging, and creolization of French plays in a cultural, social, and physical environment deeply shaped by slavery, racial discrimination, and systemic violence. The volume's three parts are complementary, though, with different theoretical perspectives and methodological frameworks. The first section explores staging and representation in Saint-Domingue (Haiti), noting changes made to the repertoire as well as the colonial audience's reception. The second part explores theatrical characters representing slaves, indigenous people, and African descendants on European stages, while the third part is devoted to the "reactivation" of colonial history in twentieth-and twenty-first-century Caribbean performances (dance, theater, and music). Logan J. Connors studies the experiential effects of the ever-increasing presence of military personnel on theatrical performances. With theater-going emblematic of social distinction and racial discrimination, he expertly shows that the "colonial military culture" (30) manifested in tensions specific to heavily militarized colonial societies where the theatrical experience clashed with safety considerations. Julia Prest's deft study examines racial politics evidenced by slave imitations and blackface practices in Saint-Domingue and Paris. Scrutinizing the announcements published in Saint-Domingue's gazette, she explains that while blackface in Paris was used as a theatrical disguise which denoted the exotic, its use in Saint-Domingue represented another form of "white control over the theatrical representation of blackness" (51). Béatrice Ferrier investigates the new meanings of Parisian productions, after they

A brief overview of economy and society in the hinterland of Cap-Français, the region where the Saint Domingue uprising of 1791 began.  Revising several widely held misconceptions, it compares work regimes and population composition in the city, plain, and mountains.

The conclusion of a series of four articles analyzing the workforces of 22 sugar estates located in the region where the great slave uprising of 1791 began.  It complemented an earlier and larger study published in Caribbean Studies (1978) drawn from Saint-Domingue's West and South provinces and led on to several more comparative studies focused on region or crop-type.

A principios del siglo XVIII, se presentó una rebelión en Tadó, Gobernación del Chocó, que por el período, origen de los alzados, sus objetivos y acciones, estaba en relación con los levantamientos de esclavos de la llamada «primera guerra cimarrona», ocurridos en la isla caribeña de jamaica. Además, este caso fue importante, porque marcó la transición entre una rebelión antiesclavista y otras posteriores que buscaban «mejoras» dentro del mismo sistema

This chapter covers cross-border labor mobility focusing on the transatlantic slave trade that brought more than 12 million African slaves to the New World under one of the best organized, well-orchestrated, well-financed, and gruesome slavery systems in the history of humankind. The transatlantic slave trade that lasted more than three hundred years-from the early sixteenth to the late eighteenth centuries-in many respects further refined and reinforced wide varieties of coerced labor experimented during the period of Spanish America (discussed in Chapter 4). Oddly, it turned Christopher Columbus's dream upside down, that is, launching a profitable slave trade by exporting indigenous Americans to European countries, under the transatlantic slave trade millions of African slaves from across the Atlantic Ocean were transported to the Americas, instead. 1 By the first half of the sixteenth century several developments shifted the attention of European colonial powers to the African continent, such as: (a) the apparently endless reservoir of Amerindians had declined precipitously due to warfare, disease, extermination, and slavery; (b) free white labor was less and less available-many white indentured laborers had already earned their freedom and mobility, and the reminder became CHAPTER 5

The key pieces of anti-émigré legislation, passed by the Convention on 28 March 1793 defined seven categories of émigrés but made little distinction between the intentions of nearly 150,000 French men and women that fled war, Terror, and political upheaval during the Revolution. All were deemed "traitors" and "unpatriotic" (impatriotes) and faced the death penalty upon return to France as well as the confiscation of their property along with other penalties borne by their families. Added to this was the 17 September 1793 legislation that defined the relatives of émigrés "suspects" before the law. In the Revolution's own terms, the Counter-Revolution was a block (Soboul 411-413, Vidalenc 35-36). 1 Yet, there were clear distinctions to be made, on the one hand, between the Counter-Revolution in the Vendée, the revolt of the refractory clergy, and noble defection to France's military enemies; and, on the other hand, the 45,000 French nationals who had made a choice to flee from French territory to the United States and the uncharted American west. Within the "American" émigré cluster, a third of the French nationals were in fact refugees rather than émigrés fleeing the slave rebellions of St.-Domingue after 1791. 2 As the census of 1790 counted 5 million men and women in the United States (neither enslaved nor Indian inhabitants were included), this meant that around 1% of the white population were émigrés or refugees taking flight from the French métropole or colonies. Five thousand alone made their homes in the capital city of the United States, Philadelphia, meaning that in a city that numbered 28,500 in 1790, over one in six Philadelphians were French nationals. 3 Far from accurately reflecting the bad press these men and women received as reactionary and treasonous aristocrats, the émigrés had made the affirmed choice of embracing the only other national republic in existence at the end of the eighteenth century. The French contingent viewed Federalist America as a compelling destination The "Non-Aligned Status" of French Emigrés and Refugees in Philadelphia, 1793...

This article analyses the political and intellectual debates that took place in the French Empire concerning the admission of neutral commerce to the colonies at the outbreak of the Seven Years' War (1756-1763). The decision taken by the Minister for the Navy, Machault d'Arnouville, was justified as the only means available to provide the Antilles with essential goods in the face of British naval primacy. Nonetheless, it met with strenuous opposition from the French Chambers of Commerce, which were reluctant to redistribute power in favour of the colonies. On the other hand, the economist Véron de Forbonnais and the Dominguan planter Pierre-Louis de Saintard strongly supported the minister, albeit for different reasons and goals. Linking questions of colonial dependence and neutrality, their theories disclose new perspectives on the political and intellectual impact of enlightened reform in the French Atlantic empire.

From Christy Picichero and Jennifer Boittin's introduction to the issue: In “Whiteness, Gender and Slavery in Enlightenment Le Havre: Marie Le Masson Le Golft’s Self-Fashioning as a Femme des Lettres,” Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall explores the racial strategies that Le Golft (1749 – 1826) embraced in order to transcend the obstacles that her gender and inability to travel imposed as she became one of the few well-known women scientists of the late French Enlightenment and one of the first women elected to a scientific academy in France. Sepinwall examines the geographical advantages that Le Golft was able to capitalize upon in her pursuits as a naturalist since Le Havre not only allowed her to study local specimens, but also to gain access to specimens from abroad that came through the slave-port city. In addition to her own intelligence and learnedness, her connection to slavery was in fact key in this process. Le Golft had many colonial contacts including the pro-slavery Cercle des Philadelphes, the de facto scientific academy of Saint-Domingue, and like most residents of Le Havre, her own family was a part of the transatlantic trade community: her father was a ship’s captain, her mother’s parents were merchants, and her beloved brother was a crew member of a slave-trading vessel on which he perished. While some scholars have previously cast Le Golft as an abolitionist due to some of her personal writings and correspondence with the Abbé Grégoire (a founder of the anti-slavery collective la Société des amis des noirs), Sepinwall underscores Le Golft’s public silences on slavery and her Eurocentric and racist educational world map Esquisse d'un tableau général du genre humain (1787) to show that Le Golft’s ambiguous stance on slavery was a professional and social strategy. Sepinwall shows that Le Golft “clearly accepted other stereotypes about Africans and other non-Europeans, portraying them as backward, savage and ugly. Moreover, she sought to advance her career by promulgating such stereotypes – and making them easier to disseminate to children.” Ultimately, Sepinwall argues, “her story shows that one opening for women to succeed in the Old Regime republic of letters was to minimize their sexual difference by contrasting themselves with racialized Others. As Le Masson Le Golft vaunted her association with the Cercle des Philadelphes, and made a map which taught others to identify Africans and other non-Europeans as ‘ugly,’ ‘idolatrous’ and ‘savage,’ she sought to make her whiteness and Catholicism matter more to other scholars than her gender.”

This paper studies sacramental practices, with a focus on confession, among
the enslaved Africans and Afro-Creoles in the early-modern, French Carib-
bean colonies. An examination of how confession intended to curb abortion,
poisoning and marronage shows how the Church in the late 18th-century
debates on enslaved. The paper suggests that the enslaved may have bent the
mosaic of colonial jurisdiction and ensuing tensions among different author-
ities to their advantage, thereby making Catholicism an important means
to shape a collective identity that transcended common enslavement. While
Catholicism preached compliance with the status quo, it is here suggested
that its practices and enactors on the ground may have unwittingly opened
up spaces that the enslaved used to negotiate their conditions. By looking
for sites of enslaved agency surrounding the sacrament of confession, we
can then strive to understand how Catholicism might have played a role in
eventual slave uprisings.

Keywords: Confession, French Caribbean, Enslaved People, Africans, Afro-
Creoles

The entry of the Duc d'Angoulême into Bordeaux on 12 March 1814, amid applauding crowds, three weeks before the deposition of Napoleon I in Paris, was not only a rare success for the émigré government of Louis XVIII but also the only time in French history that a change of regime started in a provincial city. It suggests that the history of cities and diasporas can be as important as national histories. Louis XVIII later called it 'the happiest event of my life'. 1 On 29 September 1820, he named the heir to his throne, the posthumous son of his murdered nephew the Duc de Berry, not-like previous Bourbon heirs-Duc de Bretagne, or de Bourgogne, but Duc de Bordeaux. The economic factors behind Bordeaux's welcome to Angoulême were confirmed by the words on a banner at a reception at the Chambre de Commerce in Bordeaux to honour the birth: 'illo duce, quo non commercium?' ['With him as Duke, where will trade not reach?']. In the eighteenth century, thanks above all to the sugar, slave and wine trades with the Caribbean, England and the Baltic, Bordeaux had become the first port of France. The splendour of the quays and the Place Royale, P. Mansel (*) Society for Court Studies, London, UK

Lexikon der Revolutions-Ikonographie in der europäischen Druckgraphik (1789-1889), 3 Teilbände, Münster (Rhema) 2017, 2204 S., 475 farb., 1576 s/w Abb., ISBN 978-3-86887-041-1, EUR 220,00. rezensiert von | compte rendu rédigé par Jean-Clément Martin, Paris Il est impossible de ne pas être saisi d'admiration devant une telle publication: trois forts tomes qui présentent près de 2000 gravures relatives à la Révolution française et à ses échos dans le XIX siècle européen et qui les éclairent par des commentaires savants. Le maitre d'oeuvre, Rolf Reichardt, historien de la Révolution française et spécialiste de l'histoire culturelle bien connu, s'est entouré depuis 2008 d'une équipe d'auteurs venus d'Allemagne, d'Autriche, de Suisse, de France, de Belgique, d'Italie, de Grande-Bretagne et des Pays-Bas. Le projet est d'une simplicité redoutable: rendre compte de la rupture dans les arts liée à la Révolution française. Ce bouleversement a été entrai...

In line with reconsiderations of the importance of religion in the Age of Revolutions, this article reconstructs how French priests competed to gain control of the Church in revolutionary Saint-Domingue and navigated the ever-changing political landscapes triggered by the Haitian and French Revolutions. Priests in the Haitian Revolution were also priests in the French Revolution: divided in their visions of a Church—Gallican and constitutional, or in communion with Rome—and active on both sides of the Atlantic. Priests’ motives for cooperating with the enslaved insurgents between 1791 and 1793, and with the free cultivateurs thereafter, are here contextualized within the ongoing frictions between Rome and Paris. Their experiences offer a fruitful means to gauge the entanglements between the French and Haitian Revolution, and suggest how some Haitian revolutionaries—Louverture and King Christophe, for instance—turned to Rome as an alternative to France as a source of political legitimacy.

Este artículo explora el proceso de esclavización de personas libres en sociedades en las que esas acciones eran teóricamente ilegales. Al dejar Saint-Domingue poco después de la abolición formal de la esclavitud, ¿podía la joven Marie Louise (posteriormente llamada María Luisa Coleta) preservar la libertad legal que había alcanzado allí? En la Cuba de 1796 la respuesta parecía ser “no”. Durante veinte años fue sometida en La Habana a la condición de esclava por María Francisco Lorignac, una refugiada como ella que había pagado el pasaje de la joven a Cuba. Pero cuando en diciembre de 1816 un fraile capuchino se preparaba para administrarle los últimos ritos a Coleta en su lecho de muerte, esta le imploró que pusiera por escrito su narración y la presentara a un juez para iniciar un juicio a favor de la libertad de sus hijas. Solo después de que fray Félix accediera a hacerlo, ella aceptaría la absolución. Dos años más tarde, una apelación a favor de las hijas de Coleta finalmente llegó a los tribunales. El expediente resultante revela la profunda indeterminación del estatus surgida de la revolución haitiana y refleja los obstáculos para obtener una reparación legal en la sociedad esclavista cubana.

No seculo XVIII duas partes do leste da Espanhola (Santo Domingo Espanhol) fornecia carne e animais para o trabalho nos engenhos de acucar da colonia francesa ao oeste da Ilha de Saint Domingue, a mais rica produtora de acucar do mundo. Saint Domingue tambem comerciava ativamente com a costa de Venezuela que lhe fornecia animais como forca de tracao para os engenhos de acucar. Esse comercio, foco do circuito do contrabando de animais entre as colonias espanolas, francesas, inglesas e holandesas, foi muito ativo. Essas interacoes sugerem uma estrutura para a historia caribenha, ausente nas interpretacoes sobre a plantacao escravista. Meu estudo vai alem do arquipelago antilhano, ate o litoral de Sul America. Finalmente, o artigo ilumina o rol desempenhado pelos animais no comercio e cuja importância tem sido subestimada na historia caribenha. Palavras-chave : Caribe. America do Sul. Comercio de animais de trabalho Resumo No seculo XVIII duas partes do leste da Espanhola (Santo Doming...

Se narra la historia de las tropas que lucharon al lado de España en la contienda bélica (1771-1795) su devenir en esos años, hasta su diáspora por el territorio del imperio. Se hace énfasis en la vida de los líderes como George Biassou y Jean Francois Petecou. El autor estudia a los grupos enviados a Cádiz,, Florida, Yucatán, Guatemala, Portobelo y Trinidad tras la pérdida de la guerra y el empoderamiento que tuvieron gracias a las prebendas otorgadas por los españoles para conservarlos en sus filas. la figura de Juan Francisco (Petecou) es analizada antes y durante su estancia y muerte en Cádiz..