18th Century Philosophy

(authors) Hisashi FUJITA, Masashi NAKAHATA, Hiroyuki YAMAGUCHI, Emiri AMANO, Yasuto KIYAMA, Ryusuke OKAJIMA, Yasushi HIRAI
(title) The Power of Intellectual History : Joint Review Meeting for the Japanese Edition of History of the Theories of Memory : Lectures at the College de France 1903-1904 by Henri Bergson

nómico de Centroamérica en los últimos seis años, las tensiones sociales no muestran señales de disminuir. Al contrario, están aumentando. El crecimiento económico per se puede ser algo muy conveniente, pero el crecimiento que no se acompaña de un aumento en el bienestar general es un factor poderoso para crear situaciones revolucionarias. Después de todo, la revolución mexicana de 1010, y la cubana de 1958, no ocurrieron en sociedades económicamente estancadas, sino en ottas en que el crecimiento para la obtención de beneficios de los empresarios estaba a la orden del día. Todavía no podemos saber si se olvidará en Centroamérica la lección de estos dos sucesos históricos.

Dans cette œuvre « à deux faces » que nous livre le marquis de Sade, comment passer d’un théâtre moral, conventionnel, à l’horreur implacable du roman clandestin ? Rien de plus simple, nous glisse l’auteur, il ne suffit que d’élargir la scène, de passer du gros plan de la représentation dramatique au plan large de la narration romanesque, bref, de rapprocher ou d’éloigner « le point de vue de l’optique ». Car le défaut n’est pas dans l’objet, il est niché dans le regard de celui qui observe. Envisager, comme nous nous proposons de le faire ici, la « fracture » entre l’œuvre clandestine et l’œuvre officielle en termes de jeu sur les échelles et sur les dimensions est une manière de mettre l’accent sur la nécessaire complémentarité de ces deux productions, sur ce qui ramène insidieusement la démesure du geste transgressif à l’expression d’une théâtralité codifiée.

This paper aims to determine whether Darwin’s theory of evolution was influenced by German Naturphilosophie. I start with a brief presentation of Naturphilosophie, a scientific and aesthetic approach that emphasizes the holistic understanding of the natural system and the interrelation of its parts. As I show, Naturphilosophen acknowledges the existence of a specific relation of reciprocal causality between various parts of nature, and recognize the valuable causal agency of life in the natural system. Moving forward, I analyze Darwin’s theory of evolution and identify the fundamental hypotheses of his conceptual framework. Since Naturphilosophen endorse a holistic conception of nature, and highlight the presence of reciprocal causality between its parts, I examine whether Darwin adopts any of these assumptions about the natural system. I turn to his understanding of the struggle for survival – a phenomenon that captures various relations between organisms and their environment. My analysis shows that Darwin recognizes the causal activity of the natural environment, but neglects the ability of organisms to modify their habitat for the sake of survival. Thus, he establishes the causal asymmetry between these two fundamental parts of his worldview. If that is the case, then Darwin’s theory does not represent a (fully) holistic worldview of nature, and the influence of Naturphilosophen on the formulation of his evolutionary theory is only partial.

In his Lectures on the History of Philosophy, Hegel famously described the philosophy of Spinoza in the following way: "The fact is that Spinoza is made a testing-point in modern philosophy, so that it may really be said: You are either a Spinozist or not a philosopher at all." Among the reasons why Spinoza's philosophy is so influential is the seemingly impenetrable deduction of substance monism, at the core of which the Principle of Sufficient Reason (henceforth referred to as the PSR) and the notion of existence as a predicate are found. After Spinoza's airtight demonstration of substance monism was completed and unveiled to the philosophical public, it went unmatched for many years; philosophers of Spinoza's time (and a bit afterward, too) attempted to defeat it, but, confined to the rationalist framework of their day, many of them either offer less convincing or rigorous arguments, or combat Spinoza's philosophy based on the grounds of religious or political doctrine. The only thing that contends with Spinoza's philosophy is a paradigm shift in thinking; more specifically, a paradigm shift that affects at least one of Spinoza's assumptions (either the PSR or notion that something exists).

L’article examine la critique par Émilie Du Châtelet de certaines femmes bibliques comme modèle moral. Dans ses Examens de la Bible, la marquise rejette en plusieurs lieux l’interprétation conventionnelle (catholique ou protestante) de ces figures pour les soumettre à une critique rationnelle, souvent provocatrice. Alors que l’influence du féminisme anglais du XVII siècle sur la marquise paraît incertaine, sa critique mine la lecture française traditionnelle de ces « héroïnes ».

In this article, I go against some interpretations of the "Träume eines Geistersehers" that read this work as the outcome of a profound crisis in Kant’s thought, triggered by the reading of Swedenborg and ending with the complete abandonment of his entire philosophical production. To do so, I highlight the continuity, on the methodological level, between the Träume and the texts of the 1760s that precede it, in particular with the "Deutlichkeit". Having clarified some of the principles of the analytical method developed by Kant in the latter text of 1762, especially the role played by language in determining the content of the concept, I show how, in the "Träume", Kant employs this method for analyzing the concept of spirit. Nevertheless, I take into account the specific epistemology adopted by Kant in the "Träume" and the effect it has on the relationship between method and metaphysics, the reconfiguration of which can be observed in the pages of the "Träume". In contrast to the narrative that paints Kant as skeptical about metaphysics, I thus show how metaphysics was rather subject to a conceptual transformation that prepares the outcomes of Kant’s later thought.

In this paper, I analyze the concept of passions in Kant, trying to answer the question: are passions good for society or are they the source of evil and irrationality? I begin by showing the danger of passions, if compared with affects. In the Anthropology, as well in the Religion, Kant claims that passions are the evil we should fight against. More than inclinations, or affects, the evil principle refers to passions. However, in the Ideia for an Universal history with a cosmopolitan aim, Kant admits that passions are good for society. They are not the cause of their irrationality, but the possibility of the development of the natural predispositions of human being. I claim that we have two distinct answers in Kant, and I try to understand this ambiguity.

Sarah Chapone (1699-1764) foi uma filósofa britânica notável por sua obra “The hardships of the English laws in relation to wives” (1735), onde ela argumenta que as leis inglesas colocavam as mulheres casadas em uma situação de escravidão, negando-lhes a identidade de “súdito livre”. Inspirada por Mary Astell e precursora de Mary Wollstonecraft, Chapone defendeu a igualdade intelectual entre homens e mulheres e reivindicou direitos civis e liberdade legal para as mulheres. Em sua obra, Chapone utiliza exemplos de julgamentos e casos de violência contra mulheres para ilustrar a tirania masculina e a injustiça das leis. Ela também se baseia em Thomas Hobbes para discutir as noções de liberdade e poder paterno e materno. Além disso, Chapone critica a falta de equidade legal, onde os homens eram frequentemente absolvidos por tratamentos brutais contra suas esposas, enquanto as mulheres não tinham propriedade nem direitos sobre seus filhos ou bens. A filósofa também questiona o papel da polidez e do cavalheirismo da época, mostrando que a violência contra as mulheres era comum e não se restringia às classes pobres. Ela também destaca o dano psicológico causado pelos maus tratos e a falta de reparação legal. Chapone argumenta que a isenção de punições civis para as mulheres era um problema, pois as privava de serem vistas como súditas livres e de terem livre agência social. Apesar de ter escrito pouco, Sarah Chapone é reconhecida por sua coragem em desafiar as normas de sua época e por suas contribuições para o feminismo cristão. Suas obras incluem “The hardships of the English laws in relation to wives” e “Remarks on Mrs. Muilman’s Letter to the Right Honourable The Earl of Chesterfield”. Sua correspondência com Samuel Richardson também é considerada importante para entender seu pensamento. A recepção de sua obra foi mista, com críticas de homens que consideravam suas reivindicações injustas e exageradas. No entanto, seu trabalho foi fundamental para o desenvolvimento do pensamento feminista e para a luta pelos direitos das mulheres, que só encontraram reparação legal muitos anos após sua morte.

This paper examines the philosophical debate between Salomon Maimon and Immanuel Kant, with a focus on Maimon’s critique of Kant’s dualism and the epistemological challenges arising from the latter’s "Critique of Pure Reason". Kant acknowledged Maimon’s profound insight into his philosophy, particularly on the foundational questions of cognition: “quid facti?” (what are the facts?) and “quid juris?” (what justifies these facts?). Kant’s attempt to reconcile the sensory and conceptual realms through the schema of time is met with skepticism by Maimon, who proposes a unified foundation for understanding and intuition. Drawing inspiration from calculus and Leibniz’s infinitesimals, Maimon develops a differential approach to cognition, suggesting that the human mind synthesizes reality through an interaction of infinitesimally small cognitive elements.

Keywords: differential theory of cognition, sensibility and understanding, epistemology, infinitesimal calculus, mind and world

Although Les Philosophes was an ordinary comedy, and Palissot was far from the caliber of Molière or Voltaire, it successfully consolidated conservative criticisms of the philosophes within a satirical framework, enjoying a successful three-month run in 1760. The reason behind its success was that it was at the center of a debate between the Enlightenment philosophers and the Counter-Enlightenment figures. In addition to being an example of 18th-century French comédie, the play serves as a valuable source for understanding the key points of conservative discourse of the time. While Palissot seemed to focus on attacking individual philosophes’ personalities, he paired these attacks with conceptual critiques, and directed the most of his criticism primarily at Diderot and Rousseau. The play remains significant for two reasons: First, it captures almost all of the concerns and arguments of the conservative reaction to the Enlightenment. Second, it sheds light on Enlightenment thinkers' personal and intellectual struggles. This paper examines Palissot’s Les Philosophes not as a mere literary dispute but as a rich text that reveals the Counter-Enlightenment discourse that emerged in the second half of the 18th century.

George Berkeley’s (1685–1753) condemnation of freethinking arose from
the social, political, and, above all, moral repercussions that he believed this heterogeneous group was bringing about in British society. In the first part of this paper, I set out the challenges posed by the freethinking movement, drawing extensively on Berkeley’s Alciphron. In the second part, I address both the reasons behind his aversion to freethinking and his response, which involved advocating for the union of Church and state and while rejecting secular governance. This analysis relies primarily on lesser-known works from Berkeley’s socio-political writings. The paper
argues that Berkeley’s opposition to freethinkers was driven by his concern for the public good and his belief that the Christian religion, particularly in its Anglican tradition, was the most effective means to achieve it.

In Western politics and philosophy of the 18 th century, concepts of balance, equality, and democracy experienced a groundbreaking contouring that continues to have an impact until today (see McMahon 2023). These issues were negotiated not least in the arts. Our thesis is that the parallelism and simultaneity of opposing views and ideologies led to a striving for equilibrium and harmony, and was articulated, for example, within the ideas of social justice and political equality, or the goal of levelling extreme economic and financial differences, an idealistic balance that ultimately paved the way for new concepts of societal order, respectively democracy.

In the eighteenth century, three camps of scientific thought appeared within the French scientific community: the Cartesians, the Newtonians, and the Leibnizians. According to the accepted physics argued by Fontenelle, Descartes, Malebranche, and Mairan, momentum, not force, was the essential quantity of motion. While Newtonians and Leibnizians agreed upon the significance of gravity and force, they bitterly disagreed with respect to momentum as the essential measurement of force. According to Newton, momentum and gravity were the main type of forces essential to movement; as with Cartesian mechanics, Newtonian momentum was given by the product of the mass and velocity. For philosophical and scientific reasons, Leibniz favored the vis viva, or -kinetic and potential forces,‖ the modern conservation of energy, as the essential quantity. Despite the support of experimental evidence, French Newtonians failed to convince the Cartesian establishment, and fewer scientists accepted the Leibnizian system. This heated debate spread from the most esoteric mathematical circles to the French educated public through the essays by notable personalities such as Moreau de Maupertuis, Voltaire, and the Marquise Gabrielle-Emilie du Châtelet. Scholars have traditionally published or written little about Gabrielle-Emilie du Châtelet outside of her associations with Voltaire, due to her few formal publications. Recently, the historical community has started to review her contributions--as both a scientist and as a translator--to eighteenth-century mechanics. In collaboration with eminent mathematicians Jean Bernoulli, Maupertuis, Alexis-Claude Clairaut, and Leonard Euler, she successfully argued the scientific validities of Newtonian and Leibnizian mechanics by adapting her ideas into the first French calculus textbooks and by working toward the modern concept of the energy conservation law. Like many eighteenth-century philosophers, Du Châtelet primarily used the letter both privately and publicly to challenge and to explore. The series of letters between 1737-1741 used numerous rhetorical tactics to construct and formulate a series of image-based and logical arguments to support the vis viva or the forces vives. Through constructing these -thought experiments‖ on paper, she successfully facilitated the spread of Newtonian ideas, sparked and persuaded in scientific debate, and unified Newtonian and Leibnizian theories into classical physics.

By the late eighteenth century, strolling gardens had become a craze of the public throughout Europe. Whereas the French insistence on formalism in gardens satisfied the rules of the intellect with its symmetrical lanes, vegetation wrenched and twisted into topiary and espaliers, the emergence of the English landscape garden drove the imagination into the opposite direction of near lawless design through serpentine lanes, ponds, and paths leading to different rooms, the rejection of geometrical patterns, and the feeling of movement in every perspective. In this short public address by Schiller, he advocates for the German taste in gardens to strike a balance between the two extremes and to discover its unique style on a par with its nation’s taste in other aesthetic and moral categories. Schiller comments on the addition of the garden at Hohenheim to the 1795 calendar tour of gardens made by the theorist Christian Clay Lorenz Hirschfeld. Schiller commends this addition for the surprising and seeming contradictions brought into harmony when viewed from the point of view of each contributing to the whole. Schiller praises this garden for its exaltation of both art and nature, for the man of high culture is brought back to feeling, while the simple man is elevated through imagination and reason. This is no doubt a continuation of Schiller’s theory given in the Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Mankind that imaginative play not only harmonizes both matter and form, but also elevates them both by incorporating higher aspects of each into one another. For Schiller, the artful arrangement of the garden excels at achieving this act of play.
The German text can be found in Friedrich von Schiller, Sämmtliche
Werke, Original-Ausgabe, 18th volume, Wien: 1820, 266–76.

espanolEn este articulo se muestra que la teoria de la justicia y la libertad que Axel Honneth desarrolla en El derecho de la libertad tiene un mayor alcance y profundidad que aquellas teorias de la justicia y la democracia desarrolladas en el liberalismo contemporaneo por Rawls y Habermas. Sin embargo, su modelo normativo del reconocimiento tiene una seria limitacion, que consiste en circunscribir el alcance de su concepcion de la libertad a las sociedades mas desarrolladas de Occidente. Esta limitacion afecta negativamente su propuesta, produce una perdida importante de su potencial critico y determina que su planteamiento normativo y reconstructivo de la historia de la libertad sea insuficiente frente a otras visiones criticas de la sociedad. El autor hace primero una presentacion de la tension entre las dimensiones negativa y positiva de la libertad. En segundo lugar, reconstruye la forma como Honneth expone el proceso historico de la lucha por la libertad, y estructura asi una ...

Referência do artigo comentado: AZIZI, Diego dos Anjos. Os Ensaios de Michel de Montaigne como exercícios do juízo. Trans/form/ação: Revista de Filosofia da Unesp, Marília, v. 47, n. 6, e02400242, 2024. Disponível em: https://revistas.marilia.unesp.br/index.php/transformacao/article/view/15931.

This chapter explores the role of epic in the emergence of nationalism by
examining the intersection of Germanic myth and the Hebrew Bible. During the latter half of the eighteenth century, there was a growing fascination in and appreciation for the ancient customs of ‘natural peoples’. Among this esteemed group, which included nations like the Celts and Germans, the Hebrews were prominently featured, showcasing a culture in which the epic held great significance. It was during this period that biblical interpreters started to interpret Hebrew poetry as a means of creative expression, providing insights into the worldview of ancient humanity.

This paper argues both a historical and a systematic thesis. In the historical sense, it is argued that Kant rehabilitates the concept of negative magnitudes between 1790 and 1792. In the systematic sense, it is argued that this rehabilitation is a transcen- dental rehabilitation. In the introduction, the place of the concept of negative magni- tudes in Kant’s career is presented. In the second section, its pre-critical significance is explained, emphasizing its ontological dimension. In the third, fourth and fifth sections, respectively, the psychological, cosmological, and moral significance of this concept is explained. In these sections, the explanation of these three different meanings follows the order of Kant’s publications between 1790 and 1792. Following this order, the con- cept of negative magnitudes is seen in the Analytic of the Sublime of the Critique of Judgment (1790), in the essay On the Failure of Every Philosophical Essay in Theodicy (1791), and in the essay On Radical Evil in Human Nature (1792). In the conclusion a general remark is made on the concept of the negative in Kant. Here it is argued that the transcendental rehabilitation of negative magnitudes is an exception in the development of his thought. | Keywords: evil, negation, negative magnitudes, sublime, theodicy, reality.

There are two axes of Leibniz's philosophy about bodies that are deeply intertwined, as this paper shows: the scientific investigation of bodies due to the application of mathematics to nature-Leibniz's mixed mathematics-and the issue of matter/bodies idealism. This intertwinement raises an issue: How did Leibniz frame the relationship between mathematics, natural sciences, and metaphysics? Due to the increasing application of mathematics to natural sciences, especially physics, philosophers of the early modern period used the reliability of mathematics to predict phenomena as the basis to infer the metaphysical outlook of nature. I argue that although Leibniz thought metaphysics must be scientifically informed and that mathematics is a valuable instrument to understand nature, metaphysics is more fundamental than mathematics and natural sciences. By highlighting the foundational relation between metaphysics and the sciences, this paper showcases an argument for the reality of bodies: the ideality of bodies, necessary for epistemic purposes, is not proof that they are not real.

Dans le champ de l'histoire de la philosophie, le travail de Pierre-François Moreau se distingue par sa fidélité à quatre exigences méthodologiques fondamentales : la nécessité du travail philologique en amont du travail philosophique ; l'établissement d'une dialectique complexe entre la constitution interne du sens systématique et l'ouverture vers le contexte de composition ; l’intérêt porté aux réceptions, en particulier du spinozisme et à la richesse philosophique des textes au-delà de leur contexte premier ; l’ouverture constante vers les traditions historiographiques étrangères, enfin. Ces exigences ont fait école et ont été le moteur d’un renouveau spectaculaire d’une histoire rationnelle des idées et du spinozisme, en France comme à l’étranger. Ce premier volume d’hommages, rassemblant des contributions inédites, s’attache à cerner les contours de cette école dont Pierre-François Moreau est l’inlassable promoteur. Le second volume est consacré plus spécifiquement aux travaux de Pierre-François Moreau sur Spinoza et le spinozisme.

The idea of freedom is a central preoccupation for Herder in all his writings, sometimes explicitly, sometimes unarticulated. If we attempt to form a picture of what freedom meant for Herder, we soon find ourselves engaging with his understanding of temporality, for what differentiates his views on freedom from those in currency in philosophical discourse in the second half of the eighteenth century is the way time is conceived in human knowledge, in human life, and in history.

RÉSUMÉ
Depuis l’Antiquité, la bulle est un motif étonnamment persistant, emblème du caractère transitoire de la vie humaine ou de la fortune, permettant de penser le rapport entre la durée et la valeur. On rencontre des bulles aussi bien dans les vanités hollandaises que dans les caricatures d’une des premières ‘bulles’ économiques, en 1720. Le tournant du dix-huitième siècle donne à voir de nouvelles acceptions dans les représentations de la valeur, dans lesquelles les bulles occupent une place particulière. Symbole des errances de la métaphysique comme de l’observation scientifique, la
bulle devient aussi le motif d’une morale ‘frivole’, selon laquelle les sages sont – avant Nietzsche – superficiels ‘par profondeur’.

ABSTRACT
Since Antiquity, the bubble has been an astonishingly enduring motif. This emblem of the transitory nature of human life and fortune allows us to reflect on the relationship between duration and value. Bubbles feature in Dutch vanitas paintings as well as in satirical iconography representing the first economic ‘bubble’ in 1720. Bubbles occupy a special place amongst the new ways of representing value that emerged in the early decades of the eighteenth century. As a symbol of both metaphysical meandering and scientific observation, the bubble becomes the image of ‘frivolous’ morality, whereby the wise are – in anticipation of Nietzsche – superficial ‘out of profundity’.

Kant’s conception of the highest good poses several challenges for scholars. Recent research has primarily focused on the object of obligation that Kant associates with the highest good. Some scholars have attempted to reconcile Kant’s seemingly contradictory statements by hypothesizing a development in his thought. They suggest that Kant replaced his metaphysical conception with an inner-worldly one due to the insurmountable difficulties posed by the obligation to create a world in which happiness is distributed in proportion to moral worth. According to this secular conception, individuals need only strive for the best possible state of the world. However, this hypothesis of a shift in Kant’s conception is not only weak in its textual foundation but also contradicts a key distinction that Kant consistently maintained throughout his critical philosophy: the distinction between God as the original highest good and the world as the derived highest good. In this paper, I argue that the systematic difficulties in determining the object of human obligation with respect to the highest good can be resolved by more precisely distinguishing the elements within the highest good and by seriously considering God as the foundation that unites these two aspects in the ideal of the original highest good.

Les termes du monstre, du monstrueux et de la monstruosité, réactualisés, invitent à éviter les typologies et les réductions. Les deux exemples, celui de Dardanus de 1739 de Rameau et celui de Minski de Marquis de Sade, permettent de tisser une esquisse historique et épistémologique des monstres (français) du XVIII e siècle, depuis le monstre marin de Rameau, « heureux » et risible, mais récupérable par la catharsis à travers la musique, jusqu'au Minski le géant, qui émerge comme monstre qui gît dans l'indécidable et tend (raidit, déplie et excite) cet espace « entre » par la tradition, le comique et la répétition.

Dans ce texte, je décris comment le matérialisme de Diderot est susceptible d'intervenir dans les débats les plus contemporains, en résolvant certaines des apories des ontologies vitalistes développées par les "nouveaux matérialismes". Je propose ainsi une articulation entre le "vital materialism" de Jane Bennett et la philosophie diderotienne de la vie.

In this essay, I analyze the three most prominent views regarding the philosophy of perceptiondirect realism, indirect realism, and ideal realism. I consider two relevant problems of perception, specifically the existence of hallucinations and perceptual relativity, and to what extent they are problematic for these views on perception. I first argue that direct realism, the view typically referred to as ‘common-sense realism’, is in fact far from common-sense. Although direct realists hold the common-sense view that we directly perceive physical objects, they are forced to hold the absurd view that we do not know what physical objects look, smell, taste, sound, or feel like. Further, they can never know if their perceptions are ontologically mind dependent or not. I then argue that although indirect realism is supposed to bypass the epistemic problems of perception bogging the direct realist down, its epistemic issues are at least as severe. Worse, an indirect realist cannot explain...

ABSTRACT. As chapter 11 of the book in which the original was published, it had no abstract or keywords. In making this translation accessible, I thought it worthwhile to present a brief one.
In this essay, we rigorously tested Kant's presentation of the three sciences of nature, as he did in three different works. The first corresponds to the Metaphysical Principles of the Science of Nature (1786); the second to the part devoted to teleological judgment in the Critique of Judgment (1790); the third to Physical Geography (1802). All three are 'natural sciences', respectively, of mechanisms, organisms and phenomena on the earth's surface in the broad sense. Methodologically, they are -or instead, were at the time- mathematically causal, teleologically regulative and regionally descriptive.

KEYWORDS: Biology, Kant, Mechanics, Physics, Physical Geography.

Dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, la Pologne-Lituanie est une République en péril. Son territoire est âprement convoité par la Russie, la Prusse et l’Autriche, qui finiront après trois partages (1772, 1793 et 1795) par rayer le pays de la carte géopolitique de l’Europe pour plus d’un siècle. Dans l’espoir de mettre fin à cette crise, Michel Wielhorski (1730-1794), émissaire de la confédération de Bar, arrive en France et sollicite le concours de plusieurs philosophes. Trois penseurs mettent leur plume au service de la République : Gabriel Bonnot de Mably (1709-1785), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1774) et Paul Pierre Lemercier de la Rivière (1719-1801). Cette édition aspire à éclairer d’un jour nouveau ces projets politiques et constitutionnels en rassemblant pour la première fois :

- les textes inédits des quatre séries d’Observations sur la réforme des lois de la Pologne de Mably avec les Considérations sur le gouvernement de Pologne de Rousseau et L’intérêt commun des Polonais de Lemercier de la Rivière ;

- les contributions fondamentales de Wielhorski comme son Tableau du gouvernement de Pologne et son Essai sur les mœurs et le caractère des Polonais, qui constituèrent une source majeure d’informations pour Mably et Rousseau ;

- les réactions inédites des membres de la confédération de Bar aux Observations de Mably, qui montrent comment ses idées furent reçues en Pologne-Lituanie et sur quelle base le philosophe fit évoluer son projet.

Outre la version intégrale de ces textes, ce volume comprend de multiples documents qui permettent de mieux comprendre le contexte et la vivacité des débats à la veille du premier partage de 1772. Ce passionnant dialogue franco-polonais, qui aborde la question de la modernité du républicanisme et de ses potentialités démocratiques, offre des témoignages exceptionnels de l’émergence d’une pensée constitutionnelle dans l’Europe des Lumières et mérite pleinement d’être redécouvert.

La plupart des philosophes des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles discutent l'idée que le progrès des connaissances puisse avoir des effets sur la conduite de la vie. Doit-on penser que le développement des savoirs favorise nécessairement l'accès des hommes à la sagesse, ou bien faut-il en douter? Les différentes contributions de l'ouvrage s'efforcent de répondre à cette question. Si ce sont le progrès des connaissances et la quête de nouveaux savoirs qui caractérisent la modernité, pourquoi ne pas se demander comment les philosophies morales des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles intègrent ou, au contraire, résistent à ces bouleversements? Contributions de Thibault Barrier, Christian Bonnet, Iris Douzant, Kyriakos Fytakis, Marion Gouget, Louis Guerpillon, Éric Marquer, Jordan Messerlé, Paul Rateau, Clément Raymond, Louis Rouquayrol, Anne Texier et Mélanie Zappulla.

Background: Psychiatric comorbidity is a double burden among people with epilepsy. Since people with epilepsy are more vulnerable to psychiatric illnesses. So, the implementation of an appropriate intervention to minimize the double burden of comorbidity is very important. Therefore, this systematic review and meta-analysis aimed to assess the prevalence and associated factors of psychiatric comorbidity among people with epilepsy in Ethiopia. Methods: This systematic review and meta-analysis followed the Preferred Reporting Item Review and Metaanalysis (PRISMA) guideline. Searching databases were PubMed, PsycINFO, Web of Science, Cochrane Library, Google Scholar, and HINARI. The quality of the included articles was assessed using the Newcastle-Ottawa Scale (NOS). The pooled meta-logistic regression was computed to estimate the pooled prevalence and the risk factors with a 95% CI. Results: The pooled prevalence of psychiatric comorbidity in people with epilepsy was 34.69 % (95 % CI: 29.27, 40.10). Frequent seizures (POR = 2.94: 95 % CI: 1.08, 8.00) and a history of divorce (POR = 2.00: 95 % CI: 1.09, 3.81) were associated factors of psychiatric comorbidity in people with epilepsy. Conclusions: This systematic review and meta-analysis revealed that the pooled prevalence of psychiatric comorbidity among people with epilepsy was found to be higher compared with the general population. Therefore, among people with epilepsy, parallel psychiatric evaluation is very important along with neurological evaluation.

This essayisanoutline of part of afuturecommentary on the philosophyofSolomon Maimon (?1753-1800).¹ It covers his article entitled "Über die Weltseele (Entelechia Universi)," published in the BerlinischesJ ournal fürA ufklärung in July 1790,a nd how it directlyf ollows on from the problems of his largerw ork, the Versuch über die Transzendentalphilosophie,p ublished earlier that same year.F irst,o fc ourse, these problems must be specified. As amere outline, this essayworks towardsalarger commentary on Maimon'sp hilosophyf rom 1790 to 1800.S uch ac ommentary is necessary first of all because of the status quaestionis. From at least 1848, historians of philosophyh aveb een discussing Maimon'sw ork. However,e veng iven appreciative and enlighteningb ooks by Ernst Cassirer (1920), Richard Kroner (1921), Martial Gueroult(1929),S amuel Atlas (1964), SamuelH .B ergmann (1967), Frederick Beiser (1987), and Aachim Engstler (1990)(to mention onlys ome), it is nevertheless true that the seven volumes of his works which we currentlyh aver emaina nu nknown quantity.² The samem ay be said about the manyi mportant articles on the subject. One can read the relevant books and articles, understand and learn from them, and stillr easonablya sk: "What preciselyd oM aimon'sw orks argue, and whyd o they arguewhatever it is thatthey do?" At the sametime, we know that Kant,Fichte, and some of Maimon'sc ommentators held him in highr egard. Therefore, the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy reports Manfred Frank'st antalising suggestion that "Maimon is the 'last great philosopher' about to be discovered."³